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1609 1664 

^_. .*7- 


_Y\. \*A 






Foot-note 1 on page 75 should read "of 1624. 

WI'IH iaK,, 


NEW YORK ------ 1909 



16O9 1664 






NEW YORK - 1909 






THERE is no one classical narrative of the history of New Nether- 
land nothing corresponding in position to Bradford's History of 
Plymouth Plantation or Governor Winthrop's Journal. A volume 
intended to convey the best contemporary representation of New 
Netherland history must perforce be composed of several pieces, 
most of them not of high literary merit, but having the advantage of 
showing New Netherland and its events from various angles. The 
limits of the volume have not permitted the inclusion of every in- 
teresting or important contemporary narrative of the colony, but it is 
believed that all the best are here. One piece, the "Description of 
the Towne of Mannadens as it was in September, 1661," has not 
been printed before. 

Most of the early narratives of New Netherland are written in 
Dutch. Hence the first difficulty with such a volume, next after 
that of selection, is that of securing good translations of seventeenth- 
century Dutch pieces, some of them distinctly crabbed and rough 
in style. The old translations, published fifty or sixty years ago in/ 
the Collections of the New York Historical Society, the Documentary! 
History of the State of New York, and similar volumes, are in some 
cases very bad, and in nearly all cases susceptible of considerably 
improvement. For the purposes of the present book they have beeri 
carefully revised or remade, by comparison with the originals. The 
introductions to several of the pieces express the editor's obligations 
to friends who have aided him in this revision. In the case of cer- 
tain of the pieces, of which the originals are manuscripts at the Hague, 
this work of revision was performed by Professor William I. Hull, of 
Swarthmore College, and Dr. Johannes de Hullu, of the Rijksarchief 
(Dutch National Archives) ; others, of which the John Carter Brown 
Library contained printed copies, were revised by Professor A. 
Clinton Crowell, of Brown University; one, from a manuscript in 
New York, by Mr. S. G. Nissenson. In other instances the editor 
himself did this part of the work. If, however, the volume, as is 
believed, substitutes unusually correct translations for the imperfect 


versions hitherto current, the credit is largely due to the scholarship 
and patience of Mr. A. J. F. van Laer, archivist of the State of New 
York, who has, with great care, gone over all the translations of which 
the Dutch originals were accessible to him in Albany, and, the editor 
will freely admit with regard to his own portion of the work, has 
greatly improved it. 

It may be well to mention that, the provinces of Holland and 
Zeeland having adopted the reformed calendar in 1582, dates in 
Dutch narratives of the seventeenth century will usually be found 
expressed in New Style, while the English used Old Style; that the 
Dutch were accustomed to use a man's patronymic after his Christian 
name, in such a manner that names of the form Jacobsz, Jacobsen, 
Jacobzoon (meaning the son of Jacob) are sometimes employed as 
middle names, and often with entire omission of the surname, e. g., 
Cornelis Jacobsz for Cornells May or Cornelis Jacobsz May; and 
that the first volume of John Romeyn Brodhead's History of the 
State of New York (New York, 1853) still remains the best history 
of New Netherland. 

Of the illustrations in the volume, the most curious is certainly 
the map by "a former commander in New Netherland" (Minuit?), 
which appears as the frontispiece. A correspondent of the editor, 
Dr. Johannes de Hullu, of the Dutch National Archives at the Hague, 
while examining a bound volume of manuscripts which had once be- 
longed to a Dutch antiquary of the seventeenth century, found this 
map, hitherto unknown. The antiquary was Arend van Buchell 
(Arnoldus Buchellius), who died in 1641. He had been a director 
of the East India Company, and from 1621 to 1630 a shareholder in 
the West India Company, of which his brother-in-law was one of the 
first directors. Portions of his interesting diaries have lately been 
published in Holland, 1 but contain nothing relating to New Netherland. 
The map bears the inscription: "Ick hebbe gesieri in seecker boeck 
byde hand van een die het commando in nieu Neerlant ofte Hollant 
gehadt hadde de baye vant lant aldaer de onse eenige colonien gebout 
hebben, aldus": or, in translation, "I have seen in a certain book 
from the hand of one who had had the command in New Netherland 
or [New] Holland the bay of the country where our people have 
planted some colonies, thus." Then follows what is apparently a 
reference: "siets," i. e. y "look (or looks) south," meaning, perhaps, 

1 Diarium van Arend van Buchell, ed. Brom and Langeraad, published as 
Vol. xxi. of the third series of the Werken of the Utrecht Historical Society. 


to inform the reader that the bay, the chief object of the map, ex- 
tends southward from the town. Upon the map itself the editor 
sought the counsel of Mr. J. H. Innes, author of New Amsterdam and 
Its People (New York, 1902), whose authority in such matters is of 
the highest. Mr. Innes has kindly prepared a statement, printed 
after the present preface, as to the historical aspects of this newly 
discovered map. 

The second of the illustrations, which, like the third, we owe to 
the kindness of Mr. Wilberforce Eames, of the Lenox Library, is a 
fac-simile of the title-page of the pamphlet of 1630 in which the com- 
pany first printed its Privileges and Exemptions of 1629. That 
pamphlet is the first separate publication relating to New Netherland. 
Its text is to be found translated on pp. 90-96 of the present volume. 
The title-page would be translated: "Privileges granted by the 
Meeting of the Nineteen of the Chartered West India Company to 
all those who shall plant any Colonies in New Netherland, published 
in order to make known what Profits and Advantages are to be ob- 
tained in New Netherland for [or by] the Colonists, their Patroons 
and Masters, and also the Shareholders who plant Colonies there," 
with the motto: 

" West India can bring Netherland great gain, 
Lessen the might, divert the wealth, of Spain/ 

The title-page is embellished with an interesting picture of contem- 
porary ships, flying the Dutch tricolor, and coming to land on the 
American coast. 

Later in the volume is presented a reproduction, in the original 
size, of the map of New Netherland which appeared in the second 
edition (1656) of Adriaen van der Donck's Beschryvinge van Nieuw- 
Nederlant. The map was reduced from a larger one published 
shortly before (1655) by Nicholas Visscher. At the foot of the map 
appears a view of New Amsterdam, showing the fort, the windmill, 
the church, the flag-staff, the gibbet, the tavern, and perhaps eighty 
houses such a town as might, perhaps, have a population of a little 
less than a thousand inhabitants. It has been supposed that we owe 
this view to Augustin Herrman, a skilful draughtsman (see p. 289, 
post). In a letter of Governor Stuyvesant to the directors of the West 
India Company, dated October 6, 1660, he says: * "After the closing 
of our letter the burgomasters [of New Amsterdam] have shown us the 
1 N. Y. Col. Docs., xiv. 486. 


plan of the city, which we did not think would be ready before the 
sailing of this ship. In case you should be inclined to have it en- 
graved and publish it, we thought it advisable to send you also a 
small sketch of the city, drawn in perspective by Sieur Augustin 
Heermans, three or four years ago, or perhaps you will hang it up in 
some place or other there." Nevertheless, the view on the Van der 
Donck map may be that of Herrman, published soon after it was 
drawn, without Stuyvesant's knowing the fact. 

It does not appear that the plan of New Amsterdam, alluded to 
above, and drawn in the summer of 1660 by the surveyor Jacques 
Cortelyou, was ever engraved or is now extant. But there is pre- 
served in the British Museum ("King's MSS., Maps, K. cxxi. 35"), 
but without note of its origin, a very interesting plan entitled "A 
Description of the Towne of Mannados or New Amsterdam as it was 
in September, 1661." This map has, by kind permission of the 
authorities of the British Museum, been photographed for reproduction 
in this volume, and the reproduction appears as the fourth and last 
of our illustrations. One cannot but be struck by the close resem- 
blance between the original title written on the map, and that of the 
description printed on pp. 417-424, post, both documents being in 
English; but the explanation is lacking, as we know nothing of the 
origin of either. Upon the map the date 1664 has been inserted 
below the original title and date, and British ships and flags have 
been added. This led the late Dr. George H. Moore, who claimed 
its discovery, to give it, without warrant, the name of "The Duke's 
Plan," as if it had been demonstrably made for the benefit of James, 
Duke of York. Dr. Moore wrote this name upon it in the colored 
lithographic fac-simile in which it was first published, in Valentine's 
Manual of the Common Council of New York for 1859. All subse- 
quent reproductions, except the present and that in Janvier's Found- 
ing of New York, have been made from Moore's lithograph or his 
manuscript, and have repeated the unwarranted designation. It 
will be observed that the plan has the gates of the fort, correctly, in 
the middle of its north and south sides, not, as stated in the "De- 
scription" in the text, on the east and west. The palisade so strongly 
marked on the plan, at the upper end of the town, follows from 
its east end the present line of Wall Street, which takes its name 




THE early chart, found among the papers of Arnoldus Buchellius, 
of a portion of the New Netherland coast is of great historical interest. 
Though very crude, either in its original form or in the copy made 
for Buchellius, it shows a fairly correct conception of the geographical 
features of the land, with one or two notable exceptions; from the 
latter some important deductions arise, which will be considered 
hereafter. It will be desirable to discuss in some detail the geo- 
graphical features of the chart in order if possible to draw some in- 
formation from them which will aid in determining its approximate 

At the left-hand side of the chart we have what is probably the 
earliest delineation of a fairly distinct character now extant of the 
modern Delaware Bay. It appears here as Godenis (or Godeins) 
Bay, named from Samuel Godyn, president of the Chamber of Amster- 
dam of the West India Company. The main affluent of the bay, 
the modern Delaware River, appears on the chart under the other- 
wise unknown appellation of Wilhelmus rivier. The unnamed 
affluent of the bay is undoubtedly what is known at present as the 
Mauritius River, a small stream flowing through the southern part of 
New Jersey. It appears to be greatly exaggerated in size, but hardly 
more so than on the famous Herrman map of Virginia and Maryland 
of 1670, or on Roggeveen's map of 1676. It is to be remembered, too, 
that the old cartographers were in the habit of including in their 
delineations of streams the marshes near their mouths ordinarily 
overflowed by the tides; and these are quite extensive in the case of 
the New Jersey stream. 1 

1 The name Mauritius River was applied at a very early date to the Hudson, 
in honor, as is well known, of Prince Maurice, son of William the Silent, Prince 
of Orange, and it was for a score of years the ordinary appellation of that river; 
see pp. 67, 75, 188, 259. Upon the discovery of the great river of the south, 
however, convenience seems to have led to the designation of the two chief 
waterways of New Netherland as the Noort Rivier and the Zuydt Rivier. These 
terms were in official use as early as 1629 (see Privileges and Exemptions, 



The land-locked lagoons and marshes of the New Jersey coast 
next appear, separated from the ocean by the five large islands or 
sand-hills which are conspicuous on the early maps, as on those of 
Van der Donck and Herrman. Then follows, in a much distorted 
form, the passage into the outer bay of New York, between Sandy 
Hook and Coney Island. Above this lies the modern Raritan Bay, 
called Sand Bay by the Paskaert of about 1621, as also on the Carte 
Figurative of about 1614, but here designated as Conratz bay, un- 
doubtedly in honor of Albert Coenraets Burgh, one of the first patroons 
under the charter of Privileges and Exemptions. It was, in fact, 
spoken of as Conraet's Bay in the Letter of De Rasieres in 1627, and 
it appears under that name upon the map of "Nova Anglia, Novum 
Belgium," etc., by Johannes Jansonius, in Mercator's Atlas (English 
edition of 1636). 1 Three affluents of this bay are shown: the first of 
these, coming from the southwest, is evidently the Middletown Point 
Creek, with its estuary of three-quarters of a mile in width; the next, 
flowing from the south of west, appears to be the Cheesequake 
Creek, a stream of no great size at present, but flowing through a 
marshy basin a mile in width and extending three miles into the land. 
The last of these affluents is the Raritan River, coming from the north- 
west; its broad estuary is shown to the northward of what the cartog- 
rapher seems to have been inclined to regard as an island of consider- 
able size, but was not sure of it. As a matter of fact, it is probably the 
tract of land known at present as Sayreville and South Amboy; it 
is really a peninsula, but it is so surrounded by water and by exten- 
sive salt meadows that to any observer coasting the shore of the bay 
it would appear as an island. 

Staten and Manhattan islands come next in order, but they are 
so distorted that some special attention will be paid to them hereafter. 
Newark Bay, with its "kill" emptying into the North River, follows; 
the inscription upon the chart seems plainly to be pauwe bay, 
that name having been given to honor Michiel Pauw, proprietor of 
the colony of Pavonia. Into this last-named bay a stream is shown 
flowing from the northwest; it is called upon the chart de cleine rimer, 
and is doubtless the modern Passaic River, but upon the Paskaert it 

p. 92). Doubtless in order to avoid an apparent disregard of the memory of 
Prince Maurice, his name was soon applied to the river in New Jersey, and so 
appears on the Herrman map. 

1 This map seems to have been constructed about 1628 or 1629, and is ap- 
parently the same as the one upon page 89 of De Laet's Beschrijvinghe van West 
Indien (second edit., 1630). 


is called R. Achter Kol. A faintly drawn semi-circular mark near 
the shore, shown upon the chart at this place, resembles at first sight 
a water stain, but it is believed by the writer to have been intended 
to designate the limits of Pauw's recently established colony. 

The fact that the names of the three patroons appear upon the 
chart, and that they are not found collectively upon any other map 
known to be in existence, fixes the date of the chart within narrow 
limits. It was in December, 1628, according to the statement of 
the patroon Kiliaen van Rensselaer, in the Van Rensselaer Bowier 
Manuscripts, that Samuel Godyn sent over Giles Houset and Jacob 
Jansz to examine the lands upon the bay of the South River, and to 
purchase the same from the natives. On June 19, 1629, in conformity 
with the then recently ratified charter of Privileges and Exemptions, 
he registered himself in Amsterdam as the patroon of a colony to be 
established on the bay of the South River (west side). Godyn was 
followed by Albert Coenraets, who on November 1, 1629, registered 
as patroon of a colony to be established on the east side of the South 
Bay extending from the mouth of the bay to the narrows of the South 
River. As by the fifth article of the Privileges and Exemptions the 
patroons were allowed to extend their colonies as far inland as occa- 
sion required, Conratz bay of the chart really lay at the rear of his 
colony. Finally, on January 10, 1630, Michiel Pauw registered 
himself as patroon of the colony of Pavonia on the North River. 
All of these enterprises were unfortunate and short-lived. The 
settlement established by Godyn in 1631 was destroyed by the Ind- 
ians, probably in the same year; Coenraets made no attempt to 
settle his colony; and Pauw, after the experience of two or three un- 
profitable years with his own, joined the others in surrendering their 
rights to the West India Company before the spring of 1634. 1 It is 
quite evident, therefore, that the chart is not likely to have been pre- 
pared before the year 1630, nor any considerable length of time 
after 1634. 

If we turn our attention again to the chart we shall notice the re- 
markable fact that the main channel seaward from Manhattan 
Island and from the North River is placed to the right or west of 
Staten Island; that the west side of Manhattan Island, instead of 
running in a straight direction, as it really does, is thrown into a great 
obtuse angle, while on the contrary the east side is represented as 

1 See the Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, pp. 138, 154, 155, 164, 175, 
314, 316. 


nearly straight, with no indications of the great projection of Cor- 
laers Hoek. Now it is quite impossible to conceive how a person 
with a sufficient ability to draw the chart itself, however crude it may 
be, could have made such a mistake as this if he constructed his chart 
at the Manhattans or its vicinity, where one glance seaward would 
show him the general contours of the harbor. The writer, therefore, 
is led to the conclusion that the chart was not prepared in New 
Netherland at all, but in Holland, from the most convenient materials 
at hand for the cartographer. Now let us see if there was any mate- 
rial then extant which can furnish a clew to the origin of the error, it 
being borne in mind that to construct anything like an accurate de- 
lineation of a complicated coast line from mere memory is next to 

About the close of 1627, or in the first two or three months of 
1628, there was a view of the fort and of the recently commenced 
village of New Amsterdam taken from the heights of Long Island. 
The person taking it is not known, but is believed by the writer to 
have been Kryn Frederickz, a skilful engineer and surveyor, who 
was in charge of the construction of Fort Amsterdam at this time. 
This view is remarkable as having been taken with the camera ob- 
scura, then recently brought into use. This instrument, when used 
in its primitive form without reflecting mirror or compound lens, takes, 
as is well known, an accurate but reversed picture. The object of the 
draughtsman was undoubtedly to present a view of the fort then in 
process of construction as it should appear when constructed accord- 
ing to certain plans then proposed but not ultimately carried out. 
The rest of the picture he evidently regarded as mere accessories of 
little importance. It is likely that he was aware that the view was 
reversed, but the process of restoring it to its proper form was a 
difficult one, and the lines of the fort in its position on the point of the 
island between two rivers were sufficiently well shown for his purposes, 
no doubt; at any rate the view in this condition found its way to 
Holland. In 1651, when Joost Hartgers was about to publish his 
Beschrijvinghe van Virginia, he came upon this view (probably 
among the records of the West India Company), and inserted it in 
his work, still in its reversed condition, as did Adriaen van der Donck 
in 1655 in the first edition of his Beschrijvinge van Niew Nederlant. 
It was reproduced from time to time, exciting no special comments 
except as to its supposed clumsy and uncouth drawing, until, in 1901, 
when the writer was engaged in the preparation of his work on New 


Amsterdam and Its People, he discovered that the view was a reverse, 
and restored it for the first time to its proper state, when its great 
historical importance became at once manifest. 1 As all the erroneous 
contours of the New York harbor which have been set forth above in 
relation to the chart under discussion appear at a glance in the re- 
versed view of 1627-1628, there can be no reasonable doubt that the 
view was used in drawing up the Buchellius chart. 

There remains a further word to be said as to the probable author 
of the chart. By the words used in the inscription, "one who had 
had the command in New Netherland," nothing else can reasonably 
be inferred except that an ex-director-general is referred to. Arnoldus 
Buchellius died in 1641, and prior to that time three of the directors- 
general contemporaneous with the patroons had returned to the Neth- 
erlands; these were Pieter Minuit, director-general from 1626 to 1632 
(died dr. 1638), Sebastiaen Jansz Krol, from 1632 to 1633, and 
Wouter van Twiller, from 1633 to 1638. Van Twiller, however, had 
so little to do with the patroons, who had become only a memory long 
before his term of office expired, that he may be safely left out of the 
account. As between Minuit and Krol, there is one thing which 
seems to be of controlling importance. Minuit was a German, who 
had been long resident in the Netherlands, but who never lost his 
national characteristics. His writings exist, says Mr. A. J. F. van 
Laer, editor of the Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, "in good 
Dutch, though with distinctly German spelling." In the light of 
these remarks, when we find upon the Buchellius chart the German 
forms : bay, for the Dutch baai ; cleine, for kleyn ; and Conrat, for 
Coenrad, the writer is led to the conclusion that the Buchellius chart 
was prepared in Holland by Pieter Minuit. His further conclusions 
are that it represents the period of 1631-1632; and he is also led to 
suspect that it may have been so prepared by Minuit upon his applica- 
tion for a command upon the South or "Wilhelmus Rivier" in the 
service of the crown of Sweden, the "Wilhelmus" being, perhaps, 
Willem Usselinx, projector of the Swedish West India Company. 


1 The view is discussed at some length in a note on page 2 of New Amsterdam 
and Its People. 






The Attempt at the Northeast Passage 6 

The Atlantic Voyage; the Exploration of the River .... 7 

The Return 8 


JUET, 1610 11 


Hudson sails up the American Coast 17 

Anchors in Sandy Hook Harbor 18 

Enters the North River . 20 

Sails up the River 21 

' Entertains the Natives 22 

Sails down the River 23 

His Encounters with the Natives 26 

FROM THE "NEW WORLD," BY JOHAN DE LAET, 1625, 1630, 1633, 1640 . 29 


The Name and Origin of New Netherland 36 

The Voyage of Hudson 37 

The Coast from Pye Bay to Cape Malebarre 39 

From Cape Malebarre to Fisher's Hook 40 

From Fisher's Hook to Hellegat 42 

The Great North River of New Netherland 45 

Fort Orange and its First Commanders 47 

Hudson's Account of the Indians 48 

The Climate 50 

The Coast from the North River to the South River .... 51 

The Beginnings of Settlement 53 

The Plants and Animals 54 

The Manners and Customs of the Natives 57 

The Language of the Sankikans 58 





1630. . 61 


New Netherland and its Tribes 67 

Manners and Customs of the Indians . .... 68 

Plants and Animals 71 

Language 73 

The Voyage of the Nieu A edcrlandl; the First Colonists ... 75 

The Earlier Voyagers 78 

The Transportation of Live Stock 79 

Further Details respecting the Natives 80 

Progress of the Colony 82 

The Fort and Settlement at Manhattan 83 

The Disastrous Encounter with the Mohawks ..... 84 

The Neighboring Nations; the Brownists of New Plymouth . . 86 

Manhattan and New Netherland under Peter Minuit ... 88 

The Charter of Privileges and Exemptions 90 



His Arrival in New Netherland 102 

The Island of Manhattan 104 

The Manners and Customs of the Indians 105 

The Way to New Plymouth 109 

Description of New Plymouth; the Ways of the Pilgrims . . .111 
Their Neighboring Indians; Animals of their Region . . .113 



His Voyage; the Death of his Wife . . ... . . .122 

The Organization of the First Church 124 

The Natives; the Possibility and Means of their Conversion . .126 
The Writer's Maintenance and Household Difficulties . . .129 
The Progress of the Colony 131 


1634-1635 135 


The Departure from Fort Orange 139 

The First Castle of the Mohawks 140 

The Second Castle .142 

The Third Castle 144 

The Fourth Castle; the Sham Fight 145 

The Town of the Oneidas .148 

The Council; Negotiations respecting the Fur Trade . . .151 
The Driving out of the Devil from the Sick Man . . . .152 



The Envoys of the Onondagas ........ 153 

The Return Journey 155 

Mohawk Vocabulary 157 


MEGAPOLENSIS, JR., 1644 163 


Climate and Natural Productions ' . .168 

Mohicans and Mohawks; Difficulties of the Mohawk Language . 172 
The Dress of the Mohawks; their Women . . . . .173 

Their Wars and Cruelties, Food and Customs 175 

Their Religion and Cosmogony 177 

Their Tribal Divisions and Government 178 


BY DAVID PIETERSZ. DE VfiiES, 1633-1643 (1655) . . .181 


Arrival at Fort Amsterdam w .186 

Wouter van Twiller and the English Trader 187 

Friction between Van Twiller and De Vries 188 

Second Voyage; Visit to Virginia 192 

Arrival at Fort Amsterdam; Flips Jansz cast away .... 193 

Return to Virginia 195 

Visit to Pavonia 197 

De Vries acquires Staten Island; Third Voyage . . . .199 

Beginning of his Plantation on Staten Island 202 

Visit to the Colonists on the Connecticut 203 

Beginning of Vriessendael; Voyage up the North River . . . 205 

The Attack on the Raritans 208 

Sharp Practices of the Patroons 210 

Arrangement with Melyn about Staten Island 211 

De Vries and Kieft cause the Church to be Built . . . .212 

The Murder of Claes Smits 213 

The Twelve Men advise against War . . . . . . .214 

Description of the Indians near Fort Amsterdam . . . .216 

The Food Products of the Country 218 

The Wild Animals, Fowls and Fishes 220 

Customs of the Indians respecting Burial, War and Feasts . . . 223 

The Incursion of the Mohicans 225 

Kieft's Massacre of the Indians 226 

De Vries's Mission to Rockaway 229 

The Beginning of Reprisals 233 

De Vries returns to Holland 234 






Visit to Fort Orange; Anger of the Indians 242 

The Dutch Commander urges Flight; the Father Deliberates . . 244 

Escapes by Boat to the Dutch Ship 247 

Returns to a Hiding-Place at Fort Orange 249 


His Sufferings in his Hiding-Place 251 

His Reception in Manhattan and Return to France .... 253 



Manhattan and Fort Amsterdam 259 

The Province and its Neighbors 260 

Rensselaerswyck and Fort Orange 261 



Description of New Netherland 269 

Its History and Management 271 

The Causes of the Indian War 273 

The Murder of Claes Smits 275 

Kieft's Vengeance on the Indians 277 

Indian Reprisals; the Eight Men resolve on War .... 279 

La Montagne's Raid on Staten Island 280 

The Expeditions against Mayane and the Canarsees .... 281 

Underbill's Expedition and Victory 282 



The Voyage of the Half Moon 293 

Description of New Netherland; its Plants and Animals . . . 294 

Its Minerals . . .299 

The Natives 300 

The Dutch Occupation and the Boundaries of the Province . . 303 

Vindication of Dutch Claims against the English .... 305 

On Long Island 306 

On the Connecticut River 308 

Against English and Swedes on the South River .... 312 

The History of the Swedish Settlements 314 

The Rivers and other Waters of New Netherland . . . .317 

Maladministration of the Province by the Company .... 320 

Contraband Trade .322 

Maladministration by the Directors in New Netherland . . . 324 

Kieft and the Church Building and Property 325 

Kieft and the Taxes 327 

Stuyvesant and Public Improvements 330 

Kieft's Council . ,332 

Its Iniu 



is Injustice; Cases of Doughty and Hardenbergh .... 334 

Stuyvesant and his Council 337 

His Arrogance and High Pretensions ....... 342 

His Indulgence to the Contraband Trade 344 

The Taxes and their Ruinous Effect 347 

The Nine Men and their Remonstrance 349 

Remedies proposed by the Memorialists 352 


VAN TIENHOVEN, 1650 355 


Defence of the Company 359 

Of the Directors, in Respect to Church Property . . . .361 

</In Respect to Taxes and Finance 362 

Defence of Stuyvesant's Conduct in Judicial Matters .... 366 

In Respect to the Contraband Trade 368 

His Relations to the Company's Debtors 371 

To the Nine Men and their Proposals 372 

Characters of the Memorialists 374 



The Occupation of Fort Nya Elfsborg 383 

The Capture of Fort Casimir 384 

Of Fort Christina . . 385 


1655-1664 387 


Letter of Domine Megapolensis; the Jews 391 

Of Megapolensis and Drisius; the Lutherans, etc 393 

Of the same; Sectaries; English Ministers 399 

Of Megapolensis; the Jesuits 403 

Of Domine Selyns; Services at Breukelen and the Bouwery . . 406 

Of the same; the Conversion of the Negroes ..... 408 
The Hollantze Mercurius on English Aggressions . . . .411 

Letter of Domine Drisius; Ecclesiastical Changes .... 412 
Of the same; English Conquest of New Netherland . . . .414 



Topography of the Town 421 

Its Trade and Government .423 



The Voyage to Milford 432 



Arrival in Hartford; Governor Winthrop 434 

First Conference with the Committee of the General Court . . 435 

Second Conference 439 

Further Conferences 440 

Proposals of the Connecticut Committee 442 

Counter-proposals of the Dutch Commissioners ..... 443 

Unsatisfactory Conclusion of the Negotiations 444 



The Summons to Surrender the Town 451 

Its Defenceless Condition; its Surrender . . . . . . 452 


SANT, 1665 455 


Defenceless Condition of the Province 458 

Its Causes 459 

Causes of Disaffection among the Inhabitants 462 

Necessity of Surrender 465 

INDEX . . ,467 



From the original manuscript in the Dutch National Archives Frontispiece 



New York Public Library (Lenox Building) ..... 90 

AMSTERDAM. From a copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox 
Building) 294 

IT WAS IN SEPTEMBER, 1661" (Map). From the original manuscript 
in the British Museum . 420 



IN 1609 the federal republic of the United Netherlands 
was approaching the height of its greatness. After forty years 
of warfare under William of Orange and his son Count Maurice 
of Nassau, it had brought its revolt against Spain to such a 
pitch of success that on June 17 of the year named a truce of 
twelve years was concluded. Art and literature and science 
were being cultivated to so high a point that presently the 
Netherlands became their best abode in all Europe. When 
the Pilgrim Fathers fled from England to Holland they were 
passing to a country more advanced in civilization than their 
own, and teeming with the results of industrial activity and 
commercial enterprise. The city of Amsterdam was superior 
to London ; the university of Leyden, near which they settled 
down in 1609, was much superior to that of Oxford. Dutch 
commerce surpassed that of any other country. The Dutch 
East India Company, incorporated in 1602, was paying annual 
dividends of from twenty to fifty per cent., and Willem Usselinx 
had already, when the truce brought a temporary interruption 
to his endeavors, been agitating for several years the formation 
of a Dutch West India Company. Somewhat by accident, the 
former of these two companies became responsible for an 
expedition which, under the conduct of an Englishman, led 
to the foundation of the chief Dutch colony in America and 
of a city whose commercial greatness has in the end surpassed 
even that of Amsterdam. 

Henry Hudson was probably the grandson of a London 
alderman who had had a part in the foundation of the Muscovy 
Company. The younger Hudson first comes to our knowledge 


as the commander of a vessel sent out by that company in 
1607 to sail across the pole to the " islands of spicery." In 
this expedition he reached the northern point of Spitzbergen. 
In the next year he sailed to Nova Zembla, still for the Mus- 
covy Company, in a vain endeavor to find the northeast passage 
to Cathay. During the following winter he entered into nego- 
tiations with the Dutch East India Company. A committee 
of the Amsterdam Chamber or division of that company made 
a contract with him in January, 1609, for a voyage of explora- 
tion in which, sailing around the north side of Nova Zembla, 
he should attempt to discover the northeast passage. It was 
in the course of this third voyage that Hudson explored the 
river that bears his name. In 1610 he sailed upon that fatal 
voyage to Hudson's Bay from which he never returned. 

Three accounts of his third voyage, the only three original 
accounts of any importance, are given in this volume. The 
first is contained in a general history of the Netherlands by 
Emanuel van Meteren, entitled, in the two editions here con- 
cerned, Belgische ofte Nederlantsche Oorlogen ende Geschie- 
denissen (" Belgian or Dutch Wars and Events "), and Historie 
der Neder-landscher ende haerder Naburen Oorlogen ende Geschie- 
denissen (" History of the Wars and Events of the Nether- 
lands and Their Neighbors "). 

Emanuel van Meteren was born in Antwerp in 1535, but 
his Protestant parents took him in 1550 to London, where he 
associated himself with his cousin Abraham Ortelius, the 
celebrated geographer, and where for twenty-nine years, from 
1583 to his death in 1612, he was Dutch consul. His position 
and his tastes led him to collect information on the wonderful 
struggle which his countrymen had been carrying on through 
most of the years of his manhood. In 1599 he published at 
Delft the first (authorized) edition of his Dutch history, which 
at once took rank as a classical authority, for it was the first 
excellent general history of these wars that had appeared ; it 


was accurate and carefully composed, from good sources of 
information, and it was well, though dryly, written so well 
written, indeed, that the average reader of Motley would be 
surprised to see how much of what interests him in the bril- 
liant narrative is already present in the sober black-letter 
pages of Meteren. 

A fresh edition of the History of the Netherlander -s was issued 
at Delft in 1605. Others, continued down into later years, 
were printed at Utrecht in 1609, and again in 1611. It is in 
the thirty-first book of this last edition that Meteren first tells 
the story of Hudson's third voyage. His narrative was written in 
London, soon after the voyager's return to England, apparently 
in the early par+ of 1610, and probably from the journal of 
Hudson's Dutch mate. Though briefer than the account by 
Robert Juet, which follows, it contains some facts which Juet 
does not give, especially as to the dubious days from May 5 
to May 19, and as to the influence of Captain John Smith's 
representations upon Hudson's resolves, and it has throughout 
an independent value. 

The passage was first directly translated into English, from 
the edition of 1611, in Henry C. Murphy's Henry Hudson in 
Holland (Hague, 1859), pp. 62-65, and, less correctly, from the 
Hague edition of 1614, in G. M. Asher's Henry Hudson the Navi- 
gator (Hakluyt Society, 1860), pp. 147-153. These two Dutch 
editions differ in no essential respect. The present version is 
based on Asher's, carefully corrected by means of the original 
text of 1614. 

METEREN, 1610 

WE have observed in our last book that the Directors of the 
East India Company in Holland had sent out in March last, 1 
on purpose to seek a passage to China by northeast or north- 
west, a skilful English pilot, named Kerry Hutson, in a Vlie 
boat, 2 having a crew of eighteen or twenty men, partly English, 
partly Dutch, well provided. 

This Henry Hutson left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, 3 
doubled the Cape of Norway the 5th of May, and directed his 
course along the northern coasts towards Nova Zembla; but 
he there found the sea as full of ice as he had found it in the 
preceding year, so that they lost the hope of effecting anything 
during the season. This circumstance, and the cold, which 
some of his men, who had been in the East Indies, could not 
bear, caused quarrels among the crew, they being partly Eng- 
lish, partly Dutch, upon which Captain Hutson laid before 
them two propositions. The first of these was to go to the 
coast of America, to the latitude of 40, moved thereto mostly 
by letters and maps which a certain Captain Smith had sent 
him from Virginia, and by which he indicated to him a sea 
leading into the western ocean, by the north of the southern 
English colony. Had this information been true (experience 
goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been of great ad- 

1 This means March, 1609. This part of Van Meteren's work must have 
been written early in 1610. The "last book," as printed, does not, in fact, mention 
the matter. The contract, mentioned in our introduction, says nothing of a 
northwest passage. 

* The Half Moon (its name is known with certainty from contemporary 
memoranda of the East India Company) was not a Vlie boat but a yacht, for she 
had a topsail. A Vlie boat was a broad, flat-bottomed vessel intended to navigate 
the shoals at the Vlie; it had two masts, as the yacht had, but no topmast. The 
Half Moon was of eighty tons. 

New style. "Cape of Norway" means the North Cape. 


vantage, as indicating a short way to India. The other 
proposition was to direct their search through Davis's Straits. 
This meeting with general approval, they sailed thitherward 
on the 14th of May, and arrived on the last day of May with a 
good wind at the Faroe Islands, where they stopped but 
twenty-four hours, to supply themselves with fresh water. 
After leaving these islands, they sailed on, till on the 18th of 
July they reached the coast of Nova Francia, under 44, where 
they were obliged to run in, in order to get a new foremast, 
having lost theirs. They found one, and set it up. They 
found this a good place for cod-fishing, as also for traffic in 
good skins and furs, which were to be got there at a very 
low price. But the crew behaved badly towards the people of 
the country, taking their property by force, out of which there 
arose quarrels among themselves. The English, fearing that 
between the two they would be outnumbered and worsted, were 
therefore afraid to pursue the matter further. So they left that 
place on the 26th of July, and kept out at sea till the 3d of 
August, when they came near the coast, in 42 of latitude. 
Thence they sailed on, till on the 12th of August they again 
reached the shore, under 37 45 '. Thence they sailed along the 
shore until they reached 40 45', where they found a good 
entrance, between two headlands, and entered on the 12th of 
September into as fine a river as can be found, 1 wide and deep, 
with good anchoring ground on both sides. 

Their ship finally sailed up the river as far as 42 40'. But 
their boat went higher up. In the lower part of the river 
they found strong and warlike people ; but in the upper part 
they found friendly and polite people, who had an abundance 
of provisions, skins, and furs, of martens and foxes, and many 
other commodities, as birds and fruit, even white and red 
grapes, and they traded amicably with the people. And of all 
the above-mentioned commodities they brought some home. 
When they had thus been about fifty leagues 2 up the river, 
they returned on the 4th of October, and went again to sea. 
More could have been done if there had been good-will among 
the crew and if the want of some necessary provisions had not 

1 Hudson River. 

2 The Dutch mijl, equivalent to three English miles and a fraction, is in this 
volume uniformly translated "league." 


prevented it. While at sea, they held counsel together, but 
were of different opinions. 1 The mate, a Dutchman, advised 
to winter in Newfoundland, and to search the northwestern 
passage of Davis throughout. This was opposed by Skipper 
Hutson. He was afraid of his mutinous crew, who had some- 
times savagely threatened him; and he feared that during the 
cold season they would entirely consume their provisions, and 
would then be obliged to return, [with] many of the crew ill 
and sickly. Nobody, however, spoke of returning home to 
Holland, which circumstance made the captain still more sus- 
picious. He proposed therefore to sail to Ireland, and winter 
there, which they all agreed to. At last they arrived at Dart- 
mouth, in England, the 7th of November, whence they in- 
formed their employers, the Directors in Holland, of their 
voyage. They proposed to them to go out again for a search 
in the northwest, and that, besides the pay, and what they 
already had in the ship, fifteen hundred florins should be laid 
out for an additional supply of provisions. He [Hudson] also 
wanted six or seven of his crew exchanged for others, and their 
number raised to twenty. He would then sail from Dartmouth 
about the 1st of March, so as to be in the northwest towards 
the end of that month, and there to spend the whole of April 
and the first half of May in killing whales and other animals 
in the neighborhood of Panar Island, 2 then to sail to the north- 
west, and there to pass the time till the middle of September, 
and then to return to Holland around the northeastern coast 
of Scotland. Thus this voyage ended. 

A long time elapsed, through contrary winds, before the 
Company could be informed of the arrival of the ship in Eng- 
land. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return as soon 
as possible. But, when this was about to be done, Skipper 
Kerry Hutson and the other Englishmen of the ship were com- 
manded by the government there not to leave [England], but to 
serve their own country. Many persons thought it strange that 
captains should thus be prevented from laying their accounts 
and reports before their employers, having been sent out for 

1 It will be observed that Juet's narrative, which follows this, does not mention 
these dissensions. They cast light on the mutiny that brought Hudson's next 
voyage to so tragic a close; but we know of them only from Meteren. 

3 Unknown; perhaps in the neighborhood of Newfoundland. 


the benefit of navigation in general. This took place in Janu- 
ary, [1610]; and it was thought probable that the English 
themselves would send ships to Virginia, to explore further 
the aforesaid river. 



ROBERT JUET, of Limehouse, to whom we owe the fullest 
original account of Hudson's third voyage and of his explora- 
tion of the North River, was an officer of the Half Moon not, 
however, its first mate. We know nothing of his previous life. 
His subsequent history is an ampler but unhappy one. Ac- 
companying Hudson on his fourth voyage, through Hudson's 
Strait and into Hudson's Bay, he was one of the leaders of 
those who mutinied against the intrepid explorer in that bay, 
and aided in setting him adrift to perish in its inhospitable 
waters. Juet himself, however, did not survive the voyage, 
dying on board ship shortly before those who returned reached 
the shores of England. His account of the third voyage must 
therefore in all probability have been composed before the 
sailing upon the fourth in the spring of 1610. Indeed, its 
character is nearly that of a log-book kept from day to day 
during the expedition. For the history of the third voyage 
this minute narrative has very great value, although it 
has some significant omissions, particularly at points where 
Meteren's account shows us the ship's company as disaffected 
or insubordinate to the captain. 

Juet's journal was preserved by the Reverend Richard 
Hakluyt, the celebrated cosmographer and author of "the 
great prose epic of the English nation.'' After the publication 
of his Principall Navigations in 1600, Hakluyt continued to 
accumulate further materials of the same sort. When he died, 
in 1616, he left them to another geographer, less excellent but 
well-deserving, who for a year or more had been assisting him 
in his work of collection and editing. This was the Reverend 



Samuel Purchas (1577-1626), chaplain to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and rector of St. Martin's, Ludgate, who in 1625 
brought out Juet's journal as a part of the third volume of his 
great folio collection, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his 

The passage which is quoted in the following pages is to be 
found on pages 591-595 of Purchas's third volume. The pre- 
ceding pages describe the voyage to Nova Zembla, the return 
thence to the Faroe Islands and across the Atlantic and the 
banks of Newfoundland, and the landing on the coast of 
Maine. Thence Hudson sailed south westward to Cape Cod 
and to the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. Passing northward 
along the coast, he on August 28 entered a " great bay with 
rivers," Delaware Bay, and anchored there. Presently he 
stood out to sea again, and ran northward along the low sandy 
coast of what is now New Jersey. Our extract begins with the 
approach to Sandy Hook, September 1, new style. It may 
help to keep in mind the chronological setting of the events if 
we remember that on July 30, 1609, Samuel de Champlain was 
engaged in the great fight with the Iroquois, on Lake Cham- 
plain near Ticonderoga, and that the period of Hudson's 
voyaging along the Maryland and Jersey coasts and up and 
down the North River, August 18 to October 4, was contem- 
porary with the last seven weeks of the administration of his 
friend Captain John Smith as president of Virginia. 

Juet's narrative was reprinted in 1811 in the first volume of 
the Collections of the New York Historical Society, pp. 102-146. 
The society also reprinted the part beginning August 28 in the 
first volume of the second series of Collections, pp. 320-332. 
Asher printed the whole in his Henry Hudson the Navigator 
(London, Hakluyt Society, 1860), pp. 45-93, and it is also to 
be found in the new edition of Purchas, XIII. 333-374 (Lon- 
don, 1906); while the portions which follow, beginning Sep- 
tember 1, have been printed in Old South Leaflets, No. 94. 


Hudson's voyage had two important results. On the one 
hand it called the attention of the Dutch to the desirableness 
of the North River region and its value for the fur-trade. On 
the other hand, Hudson gave nearly the finishing blow to the 
notion, discredited for many years but revived in the years 
just before his voyage, that there was a strait in the forties of 
north latitude which led through to the western sea. Bold 
and energetic, he tried all the main paths that had been sug- 
gested from the north Atlantic to the lands of spice first, that 
to the north; secondly, that to the northeast; thirdly, that to 
the westward in 42. In a fourth attempt, made by the north- 
west, he lost his life. 


The Third Voyage of Master Henry Hudson, toward Nova 
Zembla, and at his Returne, his Passing from Farre Islands 
to New-found Land, and along to Fortie-foure Degrees and 
Ten Minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and so to Thirtie- 
three Degrees; and along the Coast to the Northward, to 
Fortie-two Degrees and an Halfe, and up the River Neere 
to Fortie-three Degrees. 

Written by Robert Juet of Lime-house. 

. . . THE first of September, faire weather, the wind varia- 
ble betweene East and South; we steered away North North- 
west. At noone we found our height * to bee 39 degrees 3 
minutes. Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie seven, twentie 
foure, and twentie two fathomes, as wee went to the North- 
ward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie fath- 
omes. And all the third watch 2 till twelve of the clocke at 
mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and twentie, 
eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene, and 
two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues neere hand 
North North-west. 

The second, in the morning, close weather, the winde at 
South in the morning; from twelve untill two of the clocke we 
steered North North-west, and had sounding one and twentie 
fathoms; and in running one Glasse 3 we had but sixteene 
fathoms, then seventeene, and so shoalder and shoalder untill 
it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great Fire, but could not 
see the Land; then we came to ten fathoms, whereupon we 
brought our tackes aboord, 4 and stood to the Eastward East 

1 Latitude. From 8.00 to 12.00 p. m. 

Half an hour, measured by the sand-glass. 

4 /. e., hauled in the weather clews of the (square) sails, so as to sail on the 
starboard tack. 



South-east, foure Glasses. Then the Sunne arose, and wee 
steered away North againe, and saw the Land from the West 
by North to the North-west by North, all like broken Hands, 1 
and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then wee 
looft 2 in for the shoare, and faire by the shoare we had seven 
fathoms. The course along the Land we found to be North- 
east and by North. From the Land which we had first sight of, 
untill we came to a great Lake of water, as wee could judge it 
to bee, being drowned Land, which made it to rise like Hands, 
which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that Lake 
hath many shoalds, and the Sea breaketh on them as it is cast 
out of the mouth of it. And from that Lake or Bay the Land 
lyeth North by East, and wee had a great streame out of the 
Bay; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two 
leagues from the Land. At five of the clocke we Anchored, 
being little winde, and rode in eight fathoms water; the night 
was faire. This night I found the Land to hall the Compasse 8 
degrees. 3 For to the Northward off us we saw high Hils. For 
the day before we found not above 2 degrees of Variation. 
This is a very good Land to fall with, and a pleasant Land to 

The third, the morning mystie, untill ten of the clocke ; then 
it cleered, and the wind came to the South South-east, so wee 
weighed and stood to the Northward. The Land is very 
pleasant and high, and bold to fall withall. At three of the 
clock in the after-noone, wee came to three great Rivers. So 
we stood along to the Northermost, thinking to have gone into 
it, but we found it to have a very shoald barre before it, 
for we had but ten foot water. Then wee cast about to the 
Southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three 
and a quarter, till we came to the Souther side of them, then 
we had five and sixe fathoms, and Anchored. So wee sent in 
our Boate to sound, and they found no lesse water then foure, 
five, sixe, and seven fathoms, and returned in an houre and a 
halfe. So wee weighed and went in, and rode in five fathoms 
Ozie ground, and saw many Salmons, and Mullets, and Rayes, 
very great. The height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes. 

1 Sandy Hook. f Luffed, sailed nearer to the wind. 

3 /. e., found that the variation of the needle from the true north was eight 
degrees to the westward. 


The fourth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, 
wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our 
Boate to sound, and found that it was a very good Harbour, 
and foure and five fathomes, two Cables length from the shoare. 1 
Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our Boate 
went on Land with our Net to Fish, and caught ten great 
Mullets, of a foot and a halfe long a peece, and a Ray as great 
as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed our 
Boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew hard at 
the North-west, and our Anchor came home, and wee drove 
on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for the ground 
is soft sand and Oze. This day the people of the Countrey 
came aboord of us, seeming very glad of our comming, and 
brought greene Tabacco, and gave us of it for Knives and 
Beads. They goe in Deere skins loose, well dressed. They 
have yellow Copper. They desire Cloathes, and are very civill. 
They have great store of Maiz, or Indian Wheate, whereof they 
make good Bread. The Countrey is full of great and tall Oakes. 

The fifth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, the 
wind ceased and the Flood came. So we heaved off our ship 
againe into five fathoms water, and sent our Boate to sound 
the Bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by 
the Souther shoare. Our men went on Land there, and saw 
great store of Men, Women and Children, who gave them Ta- 
bacco at their comming on Land. So they went up into the 
Woods, and saw great store of very goodly Oakes and some 
Currants. For one of them came aboord and brought some 
dryed, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This 
day many of the people came aboord, some in Mantles of 
Feathers, and some in Skinnes of divers sorts of good Furres. 
Some women also came to us with Hempe. They had red 
Copper Tabacco pipes, and other things of Copper they did 
weare about their neckes. At night they went on Land againe, 
so wee rode very quiet, but durst not trust them. 

The sixth, in the morning, was faire weather, and our 
Master sent John Colman, with foure other men in our Boate, 
over to the North-side to sound the other River, 2 being foure 
leagues from us. They found by the way shoald water, two 

1 Sandy Hook Harbor. The Narrows, probably. 


fathoms; but at the North of the River eighteen, and twentie 
fathoms, and very good riding for Ships; and a narrow River * 
to the Westward, betweene two Hands. The Lands they told 
us were as pleasant with Grasse and Flowers, and goodly Trees, 
as ever they had seene, and very sweet smells came from them. 
So they went in two leagues and saw an open Sea, 2 and re- 
turned; and as they came backe, they were set upon by two 
Canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteene men. The 
night came on, and it began to rayne, so that their Match went 
out; and they had one man slaine in the fight, which was an 
English-man, named John Colman, with an Arrow shot into his 
throat, and two more hurt. It grew so darke that they could 
not find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on their 
Oares. They had so great a streame, that their grapnell would 
not hold them. 

The seventh, was faire, and by ten of the clocke they re- 
turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with them, 
whom we carryed on Land and buryed, and named the point 
after his name, Colmans Point. 3 Then we hoysed in our 
Boate, and raised her side with waste boords for defence of 
our men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to our 

The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very 
quietly. The people came aboord us, and brought Tabacco 
and Indian Wheat, to exchange for Knives and Beades, and 
offered us no violence. So we fitting up our Boate did marke 
them, to see if they would make any shew of the Death of our 
man; which they did not. 

The ninth, faire weather. In the morning, two great 
Canoes came aboord full of men ; the one with their Bowes and 
Arrowes, and the other in shew of buying of Knives to betray 
us; but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two of them to 
have kept them, and put red Coates on them, and would not 
suffer the other to come neere us. So they went on Land, and 
two other came aboord in a Canoe : we tooke the one and let the 
other goe; but hee which wee had taken, got up and leapt 
over-boord. Then we weighed and went off into the channell 
of the River, and Anchored there all night. 

'The Kill van Kull. 2 Upper New York Bay. 

3 Apparently Sandy Hook. 


The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the 
clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it shoald 
all the middle of the River, for wee could finde but two fathoms 
and a halfe, and three fathomes for the space of a league; then 
wee came to three fathomes, and foure fathomes, and so to 
seven fathomes, and Anchored, and rode all night in soft Ozie 
ground. The banke is Sand. 

The eleventh, was faire and very hot weather. At one of 
the clocke in the after-noone, wee weighed and went into the 
River, the wind at South South-west, little winde. Our 
soundings were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, 
twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathomes. Then it shoalded 
againe, and came to five fathomes. Then wee Anchored, and 
saw that it was a very good Harbour for all windes, and rode 
all night. The people of the Countrey came aboord of us, 
making shew of love, and gave us Tabacco and Indian Wheat, 
and departed for that night; but we durst not trust them. 

The twelfth, very faire and hot. In the after-noone at two 
of the clocke wee weighed, the winde being variable, betweene 
the North and the North-west. So we turned into the River l 
two leagues and Anchored. This morning at our first rode in 
the River, there came eight and twentie Canoes full of men, 
women and children to betray us: but we saw their intent, and 
suffered none of them to come aboord of us. At twelve of the 
clocke they departed. They brought with them Oysters and 
Beanes, whereof wee bought some. They have great Tabacco 
pipes of yellow Copper, and Pots of Earth to dresse their meate 
in. It floweth South-east by South within. 

The thirteenth, faire weather, the wind Northerly. At 
seven of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we 
weighed, and turned foure miles into the River. The tide 
being done wee anchored. Then there came foure Canoes 
aboord: but we suffered none of them to come into our ship. 
They brought great store of very good Oysters aboord, which 
we bought for trifles. In the night I set the variation of the 
Compasse, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the after-noone 
we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two leagues and a 
halfe further, and anchored all night, and had five fathoms 

1 The North or Hudson River. 


soft Ozie ground; and had an high point of Land, which 
shewed out to us, bearing North by East five leagues off us. 

The fourteenth, in the morning being very faire weather, the 
wind South-east, we sayled up the River twelve leagues, and 
had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse; and 
came to a Streight betweene two Points, 1 and had eight, nine, 
and ten fathoms: and it trended North-east by North, one 
league : and wee had twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathomes. 
The River is a mile broad: there is very high Land on both 
sides. Then wee went up North-west, a league and an halfe 
deepe water. Then North-east by North five miles; then 
North-west by North two leagues, and anchored. The Land 
grew very high and Mountainous. The River is full of fish. 

The fifteenth, in the morning was misty, untill the Sunne 
arose: then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at 
South, and ran up into the River twentie leagues, passing by 
high Mountaines. 2 Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, seven, 
eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathoms, and great store 
of Salmons in the River. This morning our two Savages got 
out of a Port and swam away. After we were under sayle, 
they called to us in scorne. At night we came to other Moun- 
taines, which lie from the Rivers side. 3 There wee found very 
loving peeple, and very old men: where wee were well used. 
Our Boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good 

The sixteenth, faire and very hot weather. In the morning 
our Boat went againe to fishing, but could catch but few, by 
reason their Canoes had beene there all night. This morning 
the people came aboord, and brought us eares of Indian Corne, 
and Pompions, and Tabacco: which wee bought for trifles. 
Wee rode still all day, and filled fresh water; at night wee 
weighed and went two leagues higher, and had shoald water: 4 
so wee anchored till day. 

The seventeenth, faire Sun-shining weather, and very hot. 
In the morning, as soone as the Sun was up, we set sayle, and 
ran up sixe leagues higher, and found shoalds in the middle of 
the channell, and small Hands, but seven fathoms water on 

1 Stony Point and Verplanck's Point. Apparently Hudson anchored this 
night near West Point. - The upper Highlands. 

3 The Catskills. 4 Probably near Hudson and Athens. 


both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere the shoare, 
that we grounded: so we layed out our small anchor, and 
heaved off againe. Then we borrowed on the banke in the 
channell, and came aground againe; while the floud ran we 
heaved off againe, and anchored all night. 

The eighteenth, in the morning was faire weather, and we 
rode still. In the after-noone our Masters Mate went on land 
with an old Savage, a Governour of the Countrey; who carried 
him to his house, and made him good cheere. The nineteenth, 
was faire and hot weather: at the floud, being neere eleven of 
the clocke, wee weighed, and ran higher up two leagues above 
the shoalds, and had no lesse water then five fathoms; wee 
anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The people of the 
Countrie came flocking aboord, and brought us Grapes and 
Pompions, which wee bought for trifles. And many brought 
us Bevers skinnes, and Otters skinnes, which wee bought for 
Beades, Knives, and Hatchets. So we rode there all night. 1 

The twentieth, in the morning was faire weather. Our 
Masters Mate with foure men more went up with our Boat to 
sound the River, and found two leagues above us but two 
fathomes water, and the channell very narrow ; and above that 
place, seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they returned : 
and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth, was faire 
weather, and the wind all Southerly: we determined yet once 
more to goe farther up into the River, to trie what depth and 
breadth it did beare ; but much people resorted aboord, so wee 
went not this day. Our Carpenter went on land, and made a 
fore-yard. And our Master and his Mate determined to trie 
some of the chiefe men of the Countrey, whether they had any 
treacherie in them. So they tooke them downe into the Cab- 
bin, and gave them so much Wine and Aqua vitce, that they 
were all merrie: and one of them had his wife with him, 
which sate so modestly, as any of our countrey women would 
doe in a strange place. In the end one of them was drunke, 
which had beene aboord of our ship all the time that we had 
beene there : and that was strange to them ; for they could not 
/tell how to take it. The Canoes and folke went all on shoare: 
but some of them came againe, and brought stropes of Beades : 

1 Near the present site of Albany. Meteren, it will have been observed, 
mentions 42 40' north, which is almost exactly the latitude of Albany. 


some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten; and gave him. So he 
slept all night quietly. 

The two and twentieth, was faire weather: in the morning 
our Masters Mate and foure more of the companie went up with 
our Boat to sound the River higher up. The people of the 
Countrey came not aboord till noone: but when they came, 
and saw the Savages well, they were glad. So at three of the 
clocke in the after-noone they came aboord, and brought Ta- 
bacco, and more Beades, and gave them to our Master, and 
made an Oration, and shewed him all the Countrey round 
about. Then they sent one of their companie on land, who 
presently returned, and brought a great Platter full of Venison 
dressed by themselves; and they caused him to eate with 
them: then they made him reverence, and departed all save 
the old man that lay aboord. This night at ten of the clocke, 
our Boat returned in a showre of raine from sounding of the 
River; and found it to bee at an end for shipping to goe in. 
For they had beene up eight or nine leagues, 1 and found but 
seven foot water, and unconstant soundings. 

The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelve of the 
clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leagues to a shoald 
that had two channels, one on the one side, and another on the 
other, and had little wind, whereby the tide layed us upon it. 
So, there wee sate on ground the space of an houre till the 
floud came. Then we had a little gale of wind at the West. 
So wee got our ship into deepe water, and rode all night very 

The foure and twentieth was faire weather : the winde at the 
North-west, wee weighed, and went downe the River seven or 
eight leagues; and at halfe ebbe wee came on ground on a 
banke of Oze in the middle of the river, and sate there till the 
floud. Then wee went on Land, and gathered good store of 
Chest-nuts. At ten of the clocke wee came off into deepe 
water, and anchored. 

The five and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
South a stiff e gale. We rode still, and went on Land 2 to walke 
on the West side of the River, and found good ground for 
Corne and other Garden herbs, with great store of goodly 

1 Perhaps above the mouth of the Mohawk. 
* Near Athens, apparently. 


Oakes, and Wai-nut trees, and Chest-nut trees, Ewe trees, and 
trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of 
Slate for houses, and other good stones. 

The sixe and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
South a stiff e gale, wee rode still. In the morning our Carpen- 
ter went on Land, with our Masters Mate, and foure more of our 
companie, to cut wood. This morning, two Canoes came up 
the River from the place where we first found loving people, 
and in one of them was the old man that had lyen aboord of 
us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, 
which brought more stropes of Beades, and gave them to our 
Master, and shewed him all the Countrey there about, as though 
it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine 
with him, and the old mans wife: for they brought two old 
women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteene or 
seventeene yeeres with them, who behaved themselves very 
modestly. Our Master gave one of the old men a Knife, and 
they gave him and us Tabacco. And at one of the clocke they 
departed downe the River, making signes that wee should come 
downe to them; for wee were within two leagues of the place 
where they dwelt. 

The seven and twentieth, in the morning was faire weather, 
but much wind at the north, we weighed and set our fore top- 
sayle, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the Ozie banke 
at halfe ebbe. Wee layed out anchor to heave her off, but 
could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe floud: then 
wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayl, and got downe sixe 
leagues. The old man came aboord, and would have had us 
anchor, and goe on Land to eate with him : but the wind being 
faire, we would not yeeld to his request; So hee left us, being 
very sorrowfull for our departure. At five of the clocke in the 
after-noone, the wind came to the South South-west. So wee 
made a boord or two, and anchored in fourteene fathomes 
water. Then our Boat went on shoare to fish right against the 
ship. Our Masters Mate and Boat-swaine, and three more of 
the companie went on land to fish, but could not finde a good 
place. They tooke foure or five and twentie Mullets, Breames, 
Bases, and Barbils; and returned in an houre. We rode still 
all night. 

The eight and twentieth, being faire weather, as soone as the 


day was light, wee weighed at halfe ebbe, and turned downe 
two leagues belowe water; for, the streame doth runne the last 
quarter ebbe : then we anchored till high water. At three of 
the clocke in the after-noone we weighed, and turned downe 
three leagues, untill it was darker then wee anchored. 

The nine and twentieth was drie close weather: the wind at 
South, and South and by West, we weighed early in the morn- 
ing, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water, and an- 
chored at the lower end of the long Reach; 1 for it is sixe 
leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a Canoe to 
us, but would not come aboord. After dinner there came the 
Canoe with other men, whereof three came aboord us. They- 
brought Indian Wheat, which wee bought for trifles. At three 
of the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed, as soone as the 
ebbe came, and turned downe to the edge of the Mountaines, 
or the Northermost of the Mountaines, and anchored : because 
the high Land hath many Points, and a narrow channel!, and 
hath many eddie winds. So we rode quietly all night in seven 
fathoms water. 

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at South- 
east a stiffe gale betwene the Mountaynes. We rode still the 
after-noone. 2 The people of the Countrey came aboord us, and 
brought some small skinnes with them, which we bought for 
Knives and Trifles. This a very pleasant place to build a 
towne on. The Road is very neere, and very good for all 
winds, save an East North-east wind. The Mountaynes looke 
as if some Metall or Minerall were in them. For the Trees that 
grow on them were all blasted, and some of them barren with 
few or no Trees on them. The people brought a stone aboord 
like to Emery (a stone used by Glasiers to cut Glasse) it 
would cut Iron or Steele: yet being bruised small, and water 
put to it, it made a colour like blacke Lead glistering; It is 
also good for Painters Colours. At three of the clocke they 
departed, and we rode still all night. 

The first of October, faire weather, the wind variable be- 
tweene the West and the North. In the morning we weighed 
at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below the 
Mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it fell calme and 

1 Below Poughkeepsie. * Near Newburgh. 


the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve of the clocke. 1 
The people of the Mountaynes came aboord us, wondering at 
our ship and weapons. We bought some small skinries of 
them for Trifles. This after-noone, one Canoe kept hanging 
under our sterne with one man in it, which we could not keepe 
from thence, who got up by our Rudder to the Cabin window, 
and stole out my Pillow, and two Shirts, and two Bandeleeres. 
Our Masters Mate shot at him, and strooke him on the brest, 
and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in 
their Canoes, and so leapt out of them into the water. We 
manned our Boat, and got our things againe. Then one of 
them that swamme got hold of our Boat, thinking to overthrow 
it. But our Cooke tooke a Sword, and cut off one of his hands, 
and he was drowned. By this time the ebbe was come, and 
we weighed and got downe two leagues, by that time it was 
darke. So we anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode 

The second, faire weather. At breake of day wee weighed, 
the wind being at North-west, and got downe seven leagues; 
then the floud was come strong, so we anchored. Then came 
one of the Savages that swamme away from us at our going up 
the River with many other, thinking to betray us. But wee 
perceived their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our 
ship. Whereupon two Canoes full of men, with their Bowes 
and Arrowes shot at us after our sterne : in recompence whereof 
we discharged sixe Muskets, and killed two or three of them. 
Then above an hundred of them came to a point of Land to 
shoot at us. There I shot a Falcon 2 at them, and killed 
two of them: whereupon the rest fled into the Woods. Yet 
they manned off another Canoe with nine or ten men, which 
came to meet us. So I shot at it also a Falcon, and shot it 
through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their 
Muskets killed three or foure more of them. So they went 
their way, within a while after, wee got downe two leagues 
beyond that place, and anchored in a Bay, cleere from all dan- 
ger of them on the other side of the River, where we saw a very 
good piece of ground: and hard by it there was a Cliffe, that 
looked of the colour of a white greene, as though it were either 

1 Near Stony Point. 2 A small piece of ordnance. 


Copper, or Silver myne : and I thinke it to be one of them, by 
the Trees that grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the 
other places are greene as grasse, it is on that side of the 
River that is called Manna-hata. There we saw no people to 
trouble us: and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and 
raine. 1 

The third, was very stormie; the wind at East North-east. 
In the morning, in a gust of wind and raine, our Anchor came 
home, and we drove on ground, but it was Ozie. Then as we 
were about to have out an Anchor, the wind came to the North 
North-west, and drove us off againe. Then we shot an Anchor, 
and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and weighed the other. 
Wee had much wind and raine, with thicke weather: so we 
roade still all night. 

The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at North North- 
west, wee weighed and came out of the River, into which we 
had runne so farre. Within a while after, wee came out also of 
the great mouth of the great River, that runneth up to the 
North-west, borrowing upon the Norther side of the same, 
thinking to have deepe water: for wee had sounded a great way 
with our Boat at our first going in, and found seven, six, and 
five fathomes. So we came out that way, but we were de- 
ceived, for we had but eight foot and an halfe water : and so to 
three, five, three, and two fathomes and an halfe. And then 
three, foure, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine and ten fathomes. 
And by twelve of the clocke we were cleere of all the Inlet. 
Then we tooke in our Boat, and set our mayne-sayle and sprit- 
sayle, and our top-sayles, and steered away East South-east, 
and South-east by East off into the mayne sea: and the Land 
on the Souther side of the Bay or Inlet, did beare at noone West 
and by South foure leagues from us. 

The fift, was faire weather, and the wind variable betweene 
the North and the East. Wee held on our course South-east by 

1 It is plain that these events of October 2 took place near the upper part of 
Manhattan Island, but to distribute them between east and west shore is not easy. 
It would appear from what precedes that the attack was by the west-shore savages, 
and that the anchorage which was chosen for safety from them was on the east 
side; and the application of the name Manna-hata in the early writers seems 
nowise to vary. But if so, how should an E.N.E. wind blow the Half Moon 
ashore, and a N.N.W. wind drive her off, as related in the next paragraph? And 
the cliff answering the description seems to be in Hoboken, 


East. At noone I observed and found our height to bee 39 
degrees, 30 minutes. Our Compasse varied sixe degrees to the 

We continued our course toward England, without seeing 
any Land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October: l 
And on the seventh day of November, stilo novo, being Satur- 
day: by the Grace of God we safely arrived in the Range of 
Dartmouth in Dovenshire, in the yeere 1609. 

1 Juet says nothing of those mutinous dissensions which Meteren mentions 
and which brought the expedition to a close. Juet himself may have had a 
discreditable part in them. His part in the mutiny of 1610 has been mentioned 
in the introduction. The Half Moon returned to Amsterdam in July, 1610, and 
the next spring sailed with other vessels of the company to the East Indies. In 
1616 she was at the island of Sumatra, but her subsequent history is unknown. 

BY JOHAN DE LAET, 1625, 1630, 1633, 1640 


IN 1625, Johan or Johannes de Laet, of Leyden, a director 
of the Dutch West India Company and a man of note for 
various learning, published through the famous house of 
Elzevier in that city a large folio volume in Dutch, entitled 
Nieuwe Wereldt, ofte Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien (" New 
World, or Description of West-India," i. e., America), which at 
once took high rank among such publications. The author, 
born in Antwerp in 1582, 1 migrated to Leyden, like so many 
other Belgian Protestants, and in 1597 was matriculated at 
the Leyden university. There we find him the friend of 
Joseph Scaliger, the greatest of scholars, who writes to him 
as to a dear young friend, and of Salmasius and Daniel Hein- 
sius, eminent scholars more nearly his contemporaries. He 
sat in the Synod of Dort, 1618-1619, as an elder of the church 
in Leyden. He was a director in the Amsterdam Chamber of 
the West India Company, apparently from its first organiza- 
tion until his death. He corresponded with the Pilgrims at 
Plymouth and with the British ambassador. Eagerly inter- 
ested in the acquiring of geographical knowledge, he was one 
of the chief workers for the firm of Elzevier in the composition 
of their popular series of manuals sometimes called Respublicae 
Elzewrianae, writing some eight or nine little volumes on the 
geography and government of as many different countries. 

1 M. Pierre Kickx, in an article on De Laet as a man of science, in the 
Bulletin de I'Academie Royale de Belgique (1852), XIX., in., 582-601, cites a record 
in Antwerp, showing the birth of Johan de Laet, son of Johan, in that city in 
1593. But that must have been another, for I am informed by Dr. Johannes de 
Hullu of the Dutch National Archives that De Laet's engraved portrait is lettered 
"^Etatis 60," and dated 1642, and that at matriculation at Leyden in 1597 he was 
stated to be fifteen years old. 



De Laet's most direct interest in New Netherland arose 
some years after he had published the first edition of the New 
World. In 1630, soon after the institution of the system of 
patroonships, he became a partner in the abortive Dutch set- 
tlements on either side of Delaware Bay, and in the more 
permanent patroonship of Rensselaerswyck. Six letters of 
Kiliaen van Rensselaer to him and three of De Laet's own 
letters regarding this colony are printed in the recently pub- 
lished volume of Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts. Friction 
arose between the partners because of questions as to their 
respective legal rights, and ended in a law-suit. Van Rensselaer 
writes to a friend that De Laet never exerted himself for the 
colony in the counsels of the Company nor before the States 
General, and "seldom or never called on me except to inquire 
about rarities or to ask me for some copy or document." Yet 
his letters are very clear-headed, and at all events the States 
General decided the suit in his favor. Unfortunately for us, 
too, he was too good a man of business to disclose in any of 
the editions of his book much of that information regarding 
Rensselaerswyck which he must have possessed in abundance. 
The island opposite Fort Orange was for a time called De 
Laet's Island. 

When, in 1642, Hugo Grotius published his dissertation on 
the origin of the American Indians, attempting to demonstrate 
that they were of comparatively recent European descent, 
De Laet combated his views in two small controversial books 
maintaining that the Americans were a distinct race. In 1644 
he published a larger work reviewing the history of the West 
India Company, Historic ofte Jaerlijck Verhael, etc. It is an 
able work, but contains substantially nothing on New Nether- 
land. De Laet died at Leyden on December 15, 1649. 1 He 

1 A reference in New York Colonial Documents, I. 521, might be thought 
to indicate that he was alive in 1653. But Dr. de Hullu tells me that the register 
of deaths in Leyden, under December 15, 1649, mentions "de Heer de Laet," 
dwelling on the Rapenburggracht, and that this was our author is made clear by 


seems never to have visited America, but his daughter Johanna 
is recorded as living in New Netherland from 1653 to 1673 at 
least, as the wife successively of Johan de Hulter and of 
Jeronimus Ebbingh. 

The Nieuwe Wereldt is chiefly a work of geographical de- 
scription. Now that the States General have at last chartered 
the West India Company, the preface addressed to them de- 
clares, it is a patriotic duty to provide all useful information 
respecting the American regions embraced in its patent. The 
work, in the first two editions, is divided into fifteen books. 
The first treats of the West India Islands, the second of New 
France, the third of " Virginia," the fourth of Florida, the fifth 
of New Spain, the others of countries lying farther to the south- 
ward. In Book in., from which our extracts are taken, the first 
chapter deals with Verrazano, chapters 2-6 with New England 
(chapter 6 being devoted to New Plymouth), chapters 7-11 
with New Netherland, chapters 12-21 with Virginia and its 
history to 1621, chapters 22-25 with the Raleigh colonies. 
There are maps, very well executed, but the first edition con- 
tains none relating to New Netherland. We may presume 
that actual composition of the book was begun after the 
chartering of the Company in June, 1621. Since the vote of 
copyright by the States General is dated July 17, 1624, it may 
be assumed that the book was then nearly or quite ready. 
The preface is dated November 15, 1624. 

The full title of the book is, New World, or Description of 
West-India, collected out of Various Writings and Notes from 
Various Nations by Joannes de Laet, and provided with needful 
Maps and Tables. This declaration as to sources of informa- 
tion is amplified in various passages of the prefatory matter. 
For many years, the author tells us, he had eagerly collected 

a letter in the British Museum, Add. MSS. 6395, which his oldest son wrote on 
December 7 to Sir William Boswell. De Laet's library was offered for sale at 
auction in April, 1650 (Huth Catalogue, II. 414). 


whatever was printed in various countries respecting America. 
His list of books chiefly used embraces the principal books then 
existing for Virginia and New England, but none for New 
Netherland. But he adds that he used "also divers manu- 
script journals of divers captains and navigators, whose names 
we have printed here and there in our Description." Thus it is 
that we have in his text invaluable extracts from the lost 
journal of Henry Hudson, which perhaps the Amsterdam 
directors of the East India Company lent to the compiler, and 
which so light up the voyage of the Half Moon; and he seems 
also to have had the use of the journals of Adrian Block, 
Hendrick Christiaensz and Cornelis May. Two folio manu- 
script volumes of his notes are still in existence, and show us 
something of his methods, though they do not relate to New 
Netherland. He heightens our interest in the question of his 
sources and our appreciation of the value of his work, by telling 
us in one of his prefaces that he has been always scrupulous 
to give credit to those from whom he has drawn, thinking any 
other course to be sheer dishonesty. He begs that no one 
will expect to find in his book a fine Dutch style, since in its 
composition he has used Italian, French, Spanish and English 
writings, and in borrowing from them has erred on the side of 

A young friend of Scaliger was not likely to lack knowledge 
of proper principles in historical work. De Laet's work is 
composed with system, precision and accuracy, and covers in 
excellent fashion the geography of the various portions of 
America, their natural productions, the manners and customs 
of their natives, and the history and status of the European 

A new edition of the book was published in Dutch in 1630. 
It contains some additional matter in the chapters devoted to 
New Netherland, and an interesting map of "Nova Anglia, 
Novum Belgium et Virginia," the middle part of which is re- 


produced in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, 
IV. 436. In 1633 a Latin version, Novus Orbis, was published 
in eighteen books (the additional books relate to South Amer- 
ica), and in 1640 a French, Histoire du Nouveau Monde. The 
text of the former is more carefully prepared than that of the 
latter. In both, the map above mentioned appears un- 
changed; nor are additional authorities cited in the preface. 
But both these later editions show signs of that increasing 
interest in natural history which marked De Laet's later 
years. They contain many excellent plates of American ani- 
mals and plants. There are similar additions to the text, so 
that chapters 10 and 11 of Book in. are mostly new matter; 1 
on the other hand, many passages of the Dutch are much 
abridged in these later versions. 

In the following pages the attempt is made to give the 
reader all that is historically valuable in any of these editions. 
Chapters 7-11 of Book in. are first given from the Dutch 
edition of 1625, but the reader will also find, inserted in square 
brackets, the longer of the additions which are interpolated 
in the edition of 1630, and, in the foot-notes, the minor varia- 
tions in that edition and in those parts of the Latin and French 
versions which correspond to these three chapters. Then 
follow chapters 10 and 11 of the Latin and French, these two 
chapters being almost entirely new matter. 

A translation of all these chapters appeared in 1841 and 
1849 in the Collections of the New York Historical Society , 
second series, I. 282-316, II. 373; a part is translated in 
Asher's Henry Hudson the Navigator, pp. 154-163. After 
careful revision, and comparison of all the editions, these 
versions have been used in the following pages. 

1 Chapters 7 and 8 of Book m. of the Latin and French versions correspond 
with the same chapters of the Dutch; chapter 9 of the former with chapters 9 and 
10 of the latter; chapter 12 of the former with chapter 11 of the latter. 

LAET, 1625, 1630, 1633, 1640 



The First Discovery and General Description of that Part of 
the Country called by our Countrymen New-Netherland. 

IN the foregoing chapters we have spoken of that portion 
of the West Indies lying to the north, which the French, as 
related in the last book, for some years more fully discov- 
ered and explored, and to which the English a few years ago 
began to give the name of New England. 1 And thus we have 
come to Cape Cod, as the English call it, and in the foregoing 
book, to Cape Malebarre and Port Fortune, according to the 
discoveries of the French. From this point the main land 
makes a great inward bend, which extends nearly east and 
west to a great river, from which the coast again stretches to 
the southwest, or nearly so, to the extremity of Florida. 
This part of the coast, situated as we have described, including 
several islands, and two very large rivers, the most southerly in 
latitude 38 and fifty minutes, and the most northerly in lati- 
tude 40 30', which flows from the north, a great distance 
inland this portion of the West Indies, I say, our country- 
men call New Netherland, because it was at first more fully 
discovered at the charge of our Netherlanders, and for some 
years in succession was visited, and provided with a fort and 
habitations, by the Netherlanders, acting with a special charter 

1 The Latin version of 1633 and the French version of 1640 say "New Scot- 
land and New England." 



from, and under the authority of, their High Mightinesses the 
States General of these United Provinces. 1 

As to the first discovery, the Directors of the Chartered 
East India Company, in 1609, dispatched the yacht Half Moon, 
under the command of Hendrick Hudson, captain and super- 
cargo, to seek a passage to China by the northeast. But they 
changed their course and stood over towards New France ; and, 
having passed the banks of Newfoundland in latitude 43 23 ', 
made the land in latitude 44 15', with a west-northwest 
and northwest course, and went on shore at a place where 
there were certain natives with whom, as they understood, 
the French come every year to trade. Sailing hence, they bent 
their course to the south until, running south-southwest and 
southwest by south, they again made land in latitude 41 43 ', 
which they supposed to be an island, and gave it the name of 
New Holland, but afterwards discovered that it was Cape 
Cod, and that, according to their observation, it lay fully 
seventy-five leagues to the west of its place on all the charts. 
From here they fell down to 37 15', where they again saw 
land. The coast was low, running north and south; and along 
it stretched a bank or shoal, inside of which there was a depth 
of eight, nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, 
with a sandy bottom. They called this place Dry Cape. 2 

Running thence to the northward, they again discovered 
land in latitude 38 9', where there was a white sandy shore, 
and within it an abundance of green trees. The direction of the 
coast was north-northeast and south-southwest for about 
eight leagues, then north and south for seven leagues, and 
afterwards southeast and northwest for five leagues. They 
continued to run along the coast to the north, until they 
reached a point from which the land stretched to the west- 
northwest, and there was a bay into which several rivers dis- 
charged. From this point land was seen to the east-north- 
east, which they took to be an island; but it proved to be the 

1 The versions of 1633 and 1640 describe New Netherland as extending from 
the great river in 38 30' (Delaware Bay) to 44, mention that the settlement was 
made "with the consent of the savages," and declare that, though this coast had 
been seen by navigators of other nations, none had penetrated well into the bay 
or explored the chief river till the Dutch did so in 1609. 

1 Probably Cape Charles. 


main land, and the second point of the bay, in latitude 38 54'. 
Standing upon a course northwest by north, they found them- 
selves embayed, and, encountering many breakers, stood out 
again to the south-southeast. They suspected that a large 
river discharged into the bay, from the strength of the current 
that set out, and caused these sands and shoals. 1 

Continuing their course along the shore, they observed a 
white sandy beach and drowned land within, beyond which 
the land was full of trees, the coast running northeast by 
north and southwest by south. Afterwards the direction of 
the coast changed to north by east, and was higher land than 
they had yet seen, along to a lofty promontory, behind which 
was situated a bay, where they ran up into a roadstead behind a 
low sandy point, in latitude 40 18'. There they were visited 
by two savages clothed in elk-skins, who showed them every 
sign of friendship. On the land they found an abundance of 
blue plums and the finest oaks for height and thickness that one 
could ever see; together with poplars, Lonen, 2 and various 
other kinds of wood useful in ship-building. Sailing hence in 
a north-by-east direction, they ascended the river to about 43 
north latitude, where it became so narrow and of so little depth 
that they turned back. 

From all that they could judge and learn, there had never 
been any ships or Christians in that quarter before ; so that they 
were the first to discover this river and ascend it so far. Hendrick 
Hudson having returned to Amsterdam with this report, in 
the year 1610 some merchants 3 again sent a ship thither that 
is to say, to the second river discovered, which was called Man- 
hattes from the savage nation that dwells at its mouth. And 
in the subsequent years their High Mightinesses the States 
General granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege of 
navigating this river and trading there. 4 Whereupon, in the 
year 1615, a redoubt or small fort was erected, up the said river, 

1 Delaware Bay and River. 

2 1 cannot find Lonen in any Dutch dictionary, old or modern. Chagrin in 
leaving the word unexplained is lessened by the course which De Laet himself 
has pursued regarding it in his Latin and French versions of 1633 and 1640; he 
leaves it out altogether. Mr. van Laer suggests that the word may be the Frisian 
word loonen, woods, and so "poplar woods." 

'"Merchants of Amsterdam," say the versions of 1633 and 1640. 

4 "And our people wintered there," say the later versions. 


and occupied by a small garrison, of which we shall hereafter 
speak. Our countrymen have continued to make voyages 
thither each year, and continuously some of our people remain 
there for the purpose of trafficking with the natives; and on 
this account the country has justly received the name of New 


Situation of the Coast of New Netherland from Pye Bay to the 
Great River of Mountains. 

To understand somewhat better the situation of the coast 
and the shape of these countries, 1 we shall begin somewhat 
farther to the north than their limits actually extend, namely 
at Pye Bay, 2 as it is called by some of our navigators, in latitude 
42 30'. The distance from thence to the longitude of the Liz- 
ard, according to the observations and reckoning of Captain 
Adriaen Block, is 690 leagues, or thereabout. Around the cape 
of this bay the ground is muddy sand; a numerous people 
inhabit there, who are extremely well-looking, but timid and 
shy of Christians, so that it requires some address to approach 
them. From this place to a point called by the aforenamed 
Captain Block Cape Bevechier, (from its great resemblance 
to Bevechier, the land being clifflike, and not very elevated,) 
across Wyck Bay, (another bay so called by our people, 
extending to the southeast,) the distance is twelve leagues, 
and the course to the northwest by west and southeast by 
east. The coast trends from this cape, in the first place, north- 
west and southeast, for five leagues, and then north by east 
and south by west for six leagues, to another sandy point. 
From the latter to Cape Malebarre, the distance is nine leagues, 
and the direction of the coast northeast by north and south- 
west by south. This cape was also called by our countrymen 
Flat Hook; the surf breaks very much upon the point at its 
extremity, although there is three fathoms' water at low tide, 

1 These two paragraphs following are not reproduced in the Latin or French 

3 Pye Bay is perhaps that of Marblehead, Massachusetts. 


so that there are treacherous currents, rendering the navigation 
dangerous to those who are not acquainted with them. 

Our Netherland ship-masters do not quite agree about the 
shoals in this quarter, although according to some accounts 
there are sand banks or a reef extending out to sea in a south- 
erly direction for the distance of thirty leagues. Not that it 
is very shallow for so great a distance, but only that the bot- 
tom can be reached with the lead ; and there is the least depth 
of water eight or nine leagues off from the shore and out of 
sight of land. The soundings are very unequal, so that one 
will sometimes have thirty fathoms, at one cast, and at the 
next only seven or eight. But on the other hand it is said by 
others, that no such shoals or reefs lie so far out to sea to the 
south of this cape, but only to the eastward of the bay or port 
of Malebarre. We shall leave this matter to be settled among 
the skippers by the more complete discoveries hereafter. 1 

Three leagues to the west of Cape Malebarre lies an island 
about two leagues from the shore, and one league in extent, or 
thereabout; but at a distance one might suppose that it was 
part of the main land; it was called by some, as I conjecture, 
Petockenock. 2 In respect to the bearing of the coast in this 
quarter, I do not find it laid down in any statements of our 
countrymen that have come to my hands. But a number of 
islands lie off this coast, as, for instance, one that is com- 
monly called by our Dutch captains, Texel, 3 and by others 
Cape Ack. It is a large island, and appears white and clifflike, 
according to the description of Captain Cornelis Jacobsz. May. 
About a league and a half from the southwest extremity of 

1 The reference is to George's Banks. 

'Petockenock is probably Nantucket. 

8 " On account of a certain resemblance," say the later versions, meaning 
some resemblance to the island of the Texel, at the mouth of the Zuyder Zee. 
Cape Ack is a perversion of Capawak, the Indian name. The island meant is 
that now called Martha's Vineyard. That which De Laet mentions below as 
"Marten vingers Island" is the islet now called No Man's Land. The Dutch 
edition of 1630 and the Latin and French versions give the name more correctly, 
"Marthaes Vyneard," " Vineam Marthae," "Vigne de Marthe," saying that the 
English so call it; and all three state the latitude properly as 41 15'. All three, 
however, then proceed to describe the lesser island in terms fitting the larger. 
All three give to Gay Head Gosnold's name of Dover Cliff, and all three mention 
Gosnold's islet and fort in the fresh-water pond on Cutty hunk. 


this island, Texel, lies another small island, which was named 
by our countrymen Hendrick Christiaens. Island, and by 
others Marten vingers Island. In this vicinity are likewise 
several small islands, called Elizabeth's Islands, which are upon 
the starboard side in coming from the river or bay of Nassau; 
and in order to run on the outside of Hendrick Christiaensz. 
Island, it is necessary to steer a southeast course. Beyond 
these lies also an island to which our countrymen have given 
the name of Block's Island, from Captain Adriaen Block. 
This island and the Texel above mentioned are situated east 
by north and west by south from one another, and the distance 
is such that you can see both from the quarter deck when you 
are half way between. 

To the north of these islands and within the main land, is 
situated first the river or bay of Nassau, 1 which extends from the 
above named Block's Island northeast by east and southwest 
by west. This bay or river of Nassau is very large and wide, 
and according to the description of Captain Block is full two 
leagues in width ; it has in the midst of it a number of islands, 
which one may pass on either side. It extends inward east- 
northeast about eight leagues, but in the rear it is not more than 
two petard shots wide, and has generally seven, eight, nine, 
five, and four fathoms of water, except in a shallow in the 
uppermost part of the bay, at a petard shot's distance from an 
island in that direction, where there is but nine feet water. 
Beyond this shallow we have again three and a half fathoms of 
water; the land in this vicinity appears very fine, and the 
inhabitants seem sturdy and fairly tall. They are somewhat 
shy, however, since they are not accustomed to trade with 
strangers, otherwise there are beaver and fox skins, etc., to be 
had, as in other places in that quarter. 

From the westerly passage into this bay of Nassau to the 
most southeastern entrance of Anchor Bay, 2 the distance is 
seven leagues, according to the reckoning of our skippers, 
and the course is east by south and west by north. Our 
countrymen have given two names to this bay, as it has an 
island in the centre and discharges into the sea by two mouths, 
the most easterly of which they call Anchor Bay, and the most 

1 Buzzard's Bay. ' Narragansett Bay. 


westerly Sloop Bay. The southeast shore of this bay runs 
northeast by north and north-northeast. In the lower part 
of the bay dwell the Wapenocks, a nation of savages like the 
rest. Captain Adriaen Block calls the people who inhabit the 
west side of this bay Nahicans, 1 and their sagamore Nathattou ; 
another chief was named Cachaquant. Towards the north- 
west side there is a sandy point with a small island, bearing 
north by west, and bending so as to form a handsome bay with 
a sandy bottom. On the end of the sandy point there is but 
two fathoms water, and farther on three and three and a half 
fathoms, with a sharp bottom, where lies a small rocky island. 
From Sloop Bay, or the most westerly passage of this inlet, it 
is eight leagues to the Great Bay, 2 which is situated between 
the main land and some broken land or several islands, 
that extend into the bay which lies at the mouth of the 
Great River. 3 In this great bay are many islands both large 
and small, that have no particular names, so far as is known to 
us, except that on a chart of this quarter made some years 
since, several small islands at the entrance to this great bay, 
near Fisher's Hook, 4 of which we shall speak presently, are 
named Gesellen (the Companions). And another, called 
Long Island, lies over across the bay, to avoid which, when 
rounding Fisher's Hook and running for the small Frisian 
River, one must steer to the northwest. 

On the main land within the bay lies a curved promon- 
tory, behind which there is a small stream or inlet, which is 
called by our people East River, since it extends towards the 
east. 5 To this succeeds, on the same coast, farther towards the 
west, another small river, which our countrymen call the 
river of Siccanamos after the name of the Sagimos or Sacmos; 6 
here is a good roadstead behind a sand-point about half a 
league from the western shore in two and a half fathoms water. 
The river comes for the most part from the north-by-east, and 
is in some places very shallow, having but nine feet of water, 
and there but little current, and in other places only six feet. 
But there are holes with full five fathoms water, but naviga- 

1 Nanhigansetts or Narragansetts. 2 Long Island Sound. 

3 Hudson. On the early Dutch maps, Long Island is laid down as a group of 
islands into which it was supposed to be divided by the various inlets. 

4 Montauk Point. fi Pawcatuck River, 6 Sagamore. 


tion for ships extends only five or six leagues. Salmon are 
found there. The people who dwell on this river, according 
to the statements of our people, are called Pequatoos, 1 and are 
the enemies of the Wapanoos. 

A small island lies to the southwest by south from this 
river, as the coast runs; near the west end of it a northwest 
by west moon causes low water. We next find on the main a 
small stream to which our people gave the name of the Frisian 
River, 2 where some trade is carried on with the natives, who 
are called Morhicans. 

Next, on the same south coast, succeeds a river named by 
our countrymen Fresh River, 3 which is shallow at its mouth, and 
lies between two courses, north by east and west by north ; but 
according to conjecture, its general direction is from the north- 
northwest. In some places it is very shallow, so that at 
about fifteen leagues up the river there is not much more 
than five feet of water. There are few inhabitants near the 
mouth of the river, but at the distance of fifteen leagues 
above they become numerous; their nation is called Sequins. 
From this place the river stretches ten leagues, mostly in a 
northerly direction, but is very crooked; the reaches extend 
from northeast to southwest by south, and it is impossible to sail 
through them all with a head wind. The depth of water varies 
from eight to twelve feet, is sometimes four and five fathoms, 
but mostly eight and nine feet. The natives there plant 
maize, and in the year 1 614 they had a village resembling a fort 
for protection against the attacks of their enemies. They are 
called Nawaas, and their sagamore was then named Morahieck. 
They term the bread made of maize, in their language, leganick. 
This place is situated in latitude 41 48'. The river is not 
navigable with yachts for more than two leagues farther, as it is 
very shallow and has a rocky bottom. Within the land dwells 
another nation of savages, who are called Horikans; they 
descend the river in canoes made of bark. This river has al- 
ways a downward current, so that no assistance is derived from 
it in going up, but a favorable wind is necessary. 

From Fresh River to another called the river of Royen- 
berch, 4 it is eight leagues, west by north and east by south; 

1 Pequods. The river is the Thames. 3 Four Mile River. 

* The Connecticut. * Quinipiac River, near New Haven. 


this stream stretches east-northeast, and is about a bow-shot 
wide, with a depth of three and a half fathoms at high water. 
It rises and falls about six feet; a southeast by south moon 
causes high water at its mouth. The natives who dwell here 
are called Quiripeys. They take many beavers, but it is neces- 
sary for them to get into the habit of trade, otherwise they are 
too indolent to hunt the beaver. 

Four leagues further to the west there lies a small island, 
where good water is to be found; and four leagues beyond 
there are a number of islands, so that Captain Adriaen Block 
gave the name of Archipelagus to the group. The great bay 
is there about four leagues wide. There is a small stream on 
the main that does not extend more than half a league in from 
the shore, when it becomes perfectly dry. The natives here 
are called Siwanois, and dwell along the coast for eight 
leagues, to the neighborhood of Hellegat. At the entrance 
of this bay, as we have already mentioned, are situated several 
islands, or broken land, on which a nation of savages have their 
abode, who are called Matouwax; they obtain a livelihood by 
fishing within the bay; whence the most easterly point of the 
land received from our people the name of Fisher's Hook and 
also Cape de Baye. 1 This cape and Block Island are situated 
about four leagues apart, in a course east by north and west 
by south. 

Hellegat, as named by our people, is another river, 2 accord- 
ing to the description of Captain Adriaen Block, that flows from 
the great bay into the great river; and the current according to 
his statement, comes a distance of about thirty-seven leagues 
east of the great river. The two currents of the great river and 
the Hellegat meet one another near Noten Island. 3 In 
coming from the great river to the bay, the reaches extend 
east by north, and east-northeast and east-southeast, formed 
almost entirely by islands. The natives here bring on board 
the ships oysters, squirrels, and wild ducks. We have now 
come to the great river, of which we shall next speak. 

1 Montauk Point. 

8 Hellegat means Hell Gut or Strait; the Latin version has inferni os. The 
name is applied here to the whole East River. The thirty-seven leagues of current 
are reckoned from the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound. 

3 Isle of Nuts, now Governor's Island. 



Of the Great North River of New-Netherland, and its Situation. 

The great North Riyer of New-Netherland is called by 
some the Manhattes River, from the people who dwell near 
its mouth; by others, also, Rio de Montaigne; but by our 
countrymen it is generally called the Great River. 1 There is 
a large bay at its entrance, which has now for some time 2 been 
named by our captains Port May, and has at its mouth a 
sandy point; and off the eastern point of the river extends a 
reef, that is very bold, since while we have twelve fathoms 
water at one cast, there will be only five or six at the next, 
and again but one and a half, or the bottom. About a 
league and a half within the hook of the river, near the eastern 
shore, lies an island not more than half a league in extent, to 
which our people give the name of Noten Island, because excel- 
lent nut trees grow there. On the east side, upon the main land, 
dwell the Manatthans, a bad race of savages, who have always 
been very obstinate and unfriendly towards our countrymen. 3 
On the west side are the Sanhikans, who are the deadly enemies 
of the Manathans, and a much better people; they 4 dwell within 
the sandy hook, and along the bay, as well as in the interior of 
the country. 

The entrance to this river lies in latitude 40 28' or 30'. 
Over against Noten Island, close to the western shore, there are 
four other small islands. 5 The river is fourteen or fifteen fath- 

1 The versions of 1633 and 1640 mention also the name Nassau River, but 
say that Great River and North River (the latter by distinction from the South 
River, our Delaware) are the most usual. Port May, they say, is named from 
Captain Cornelis May. They name a tribe of Aquamachuques inhabiting its 

2 The edition of 1630 says, "was formerly called," and after "sandy point" 
adds, "now known by the name of Godijn's Point." 

3 The Latin version of 1633 adds, "Yet our people have bought from them 
the island separated from the rest of the land by the Hellgate, and have there laid 
the foundations of a fort, and of a town called New Amsterdam." So also the 
French. Both versions mention a tribe of Machkentiwomi as dwelling "over 
against" the Manhattans. 

4 The edition of 1630 here adds, "as well as the Aquamachuques." 
5 Three or four, say the later versions. Bedloe's Island, Ellis Island and 
Black Tom, we may assume. 40 28' is the latitude of Sandy Hook. 


oms deep at its mouth, and continues of that depth in a straight 
channel; it is for the most part a musket shot wide, but varies 
somewhat in its width. Its course is between northeast and 
north-northwest, according as the reaches extend. Within 
the first reach, on the western bank of the river, where the land 
is low, there dwells a nation of savages, named Tappaans. 
The river here is quite shallow in the middle, but deep on both 
sides. The stream flows north and south out of the northern 
channel, and a southeast and northwest moon causes the 
highest tides. About a league inland there is a bay sheltered 
from all winds, about six leagues and a half in circuit; there 
flows here a strong flood and ebb, but the ebb is not more than 
four feet, on account of the great quantity of water that comes 
from above, overflowing the low lands in the spring. 

The second reach of the river extends upward to a narrow 
part, named by our people Haverstroo j 1 then comes the Sail- 
maker's Reach, as our people call it; and next a curved reach, in 
the form of a crescent, called by our people the Cook's Reach. 
Next is High Reach, and then follows Foxes' Reach, which 
extends to Klinckersberch ; this is succeeded by Fisher's Reach, 
where, on the east bank of the river, dwells a nation of savages 
called Pachami. This reach extends to another narrow pass, 
where, on the west side of the river, there is a sharp point of 
land that juts out, with some shoals, and opposite a bend in the 
river, on which another nation of savages, the Waoranecks, 
have their abode, at a place called Esopus. A little beyond on 
the west side, where there is a creek, and the river becomes 
more shallow, the Waranawankougs reside; here are several 
small islands. 2 Next comes another reach called Kleverack 
[Clover Reach], where the water is deeper on the west side, while 
on the eastern side are shoals. Then follow Baker's Reach, Jan 
Playsier's Reach, and Vasterack, as far as Hinnenhoeck. All 
these reaches are dotted with sands and shallow, both on the 
east side, and in the middle of the river. 

Finally, the Hart's Reach succeeds as far as the Kinder- 
hoeck; at this place and beyond, the river at its greatest depth 
has but five fathoms of water, and generally only two or three. 

1 Oat-straw. 

a The margin adds, "At latitude 41 58' [latitude of Kingston and Rhinebeck] 
Hudson found the variation of the compass nine degrees N. W." 


Beyond the Kinderhoeck there are several small islands in the 
river, one of which is called Beeren Island. 1 After this we 
come to a sheltered retreat named Ouwe Ree, 2 and farther 
on are Sturgeon's Hook and Fisher's Hook, over against which, 
on the east side of the river, dwell the Mohicans. On the east 
lies a long broken island, through which several creeks find 
a passage, forming several islands, extending nearly to the 
island on which the fort was erected, in latitude 43. The tide 
flows to this place, and the river is navigable for ships. Higher 
up it becomes so shallow that small skiffs can with difficulty sail 
there ; and one sees in the distance a high range of mountains, 
from which most of the water in the river flows. Judging from 
appearances, this river extends to the great river of St. Law- 
rence, or Canada, since our skippers assure us that the natives 
come to the fort from that river, and from Quebecq and 

The fort was built here in the year 1614, 3 upon an island on 
the west side of the river, where a nation of savages dwells 
called the Mackwaes, 4 the enemies of the Mohicans. Almost all 
those who live on the west side, are enemies of those on the 
east, and cultivate more intercourse and friendship with our 
countrymen than the latter. The fort was built in the form 
of a redoubt, surrounded by a moat eighteen feet wide; it was 
mounted with two pieces of cannon and eleven pedereros, 
and the garrison consisted of ten or twelve men. Henderick 
Christiaensz. first commanded here, and in his absence Jaques 
Elckens, on behalf of the company which in 1614 received 
authority from their High Mightinesses, the States General. 5 

1 Bears' Island. a Old Anchorage. 

8 Fort Orange, the versions of 1633 and 1640 call it; which also mention that 
additional population has come to the settlement by reason of the chartering and 
the efforts of the West India Company. * Mohawks. 

8 In March, 1614, the States General of the United Netherlands promised by 
a general ordinance that discoverers of new lands should, if they reported their dis- 
coveries promptly, have for the period of four voyages a monopoly of trade to the 
new-found regions. On October 11 a group of merchants of Amsterdam and 
North Holland, who for three years had been sending trading-ships to the region 
about the North River, and under whose auspices Block, Christiaenzen and May 
had made their explorations, asked and obtained from the States General, under 
the ordinance named, a monopoly of tra-de in the region from 40 to 45 N. lati- 
tude, to continue during four voyages, or three years. The charter gives to the 


This fort was constantly occupied for three years, after which 
it partly went to decay. On this river there is a great traffick 
in the skins of beavers, otters, foxes, bears, minks, wild cats, 
and the like. The land is excellent and agreeable, full of noble 
forest trees and grape vines, and nothing is wanting but the 
labor and industry of man to render it one of the finest and 
most fruitful lands in that part of the world; for the savages 
who inhabit there are indolent, and some of them are evil 
thieves and wicked people. 


Of the Nature of the Land and Manners of the Folk on the Great 
River of Mountains. 

Hendrick Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all 
that have since visited it, express their admiration of the noble 
trees growing there. He himself describes to us the manners 
and appearance of the people that he found dwelling immedi- 
ately within this bay, in the following terms: 

When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood and sang in 
their fashion. Their clothing consists of the skins of foxes and other 
animals, which they dress and make the garments from skins of vari- 
ous sorts. Their food is Turkish wheat, 1 which they cook by baking, 
and it is excellent eating. They soon came on board, one after another, 
in their canoes, which are made of a single piece of wood. Their 
weapons are bows and arrows, pointed with sharp stones, which they 
fasten with hard resin. They had no houses, but slept under the blue 
heavens, some on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and some on the 
leaves of trees. They always carry with them all their goods, as well as 
their food and green tobacco, which is strong and good for use. They 
appear to be a friendly people, but are much inclined to steal, and are 
adroit in carrying away whatever they take a fancy to. 

In latitude 40 48', where the savages brought very fine 

region the name of New Netherland. A facsimile and translation of the charter 
may be seen in General James Grant Wilson's Memorial History of the City 
of New York, I. 128-130. 
1 Maize or Indian corn. 


oysters to his ship, the aforesaid Hudson describes the coun- 
try in the following manner: 

It is as pleasant a land as one can tread upon, very abundant in 
all kinds of timber suitable for ship-building, and for making large 
casks. The people had copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred 
that copper must exist there; and iron likewise according to the tes- 
timony of the natives, who, however, do not understand preparing 
it for use. 

He also states that they caught in the river all kinds of 
fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon and sturgeon. 
In latitude 42 18' the said Hudson landed. He says: 

I sailed to the shore in one of their canoes, with an old man, who 
was the chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and seventeen women ; 
these I saw there in a house well constructed of oak bark, and circular 
in shape, with the appearance of having a vaulted ceiling. It con- 
tained a great quantity of maize, and beans of the last year's growth, 
and there lay near the house for the purpose of drying enough to load 
three ships, besides what was growing in the fields. On our coming 
near the house, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and immedi- 
ately some food was served in well made red wooden bowls; two 
men were also despatched at once with bows and arrows in quest of 
game, who soon after brought in a pair of pigeons which they had 
just shot. They likewise killed at once a fat dog, and skinned it in 
great haste, with shells which they get out of the water. They sup- 
posed that I would remain with them for the night, but I returned 
after a short time on board the ship. The land is the finest for culti- 
vation that I ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees 
of every description. The natives are a very good people; for, when 
they saw that I would not remain, they supposed that I was afraid of 
their bows, and taking the arrows, they broke them in pieces, and threw 
them into the fire, etc. 

They found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and 
other fruits. From all these things there is sufficient reason to 
conclude that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and that the 
natives are well disposed, if they are only well treated ; although 
they are very changeable, and of the same general character as 
all the savages in the north. They have no religion whatever, 
nor any divine worship, [but serve the Devil; yet not with such 
ceremonies as the Africans. They call him Menutto; and 


every thing that is wonderful and strange or that surpasses 
human understanding, that they also call Menutto]. 1 Much 
less have they any political government, except that they have 
their chiefs, whom they call Sackmos, or Sagimos. On differ- 
ent occasions some of our people have been surprised by them 
and slain; for they are revengeful and very suspicious, and 
because often engaged in wars among themselves, they are very 
fearful and timid. But with mild and proper treatment, and 
especially by intercourse with Christians, this people might be 
civilized and brought under better regulation ; particularly if a 
sober and discreet population were brought over and good order 
preserved. They are, besides, very serviceable, and allow them- 
selves to be employed in many things for a small compensation ; 
even to performing a long day's journey, in which they discover 
greater fidelity than could be expected of such a people. 

As to the climate and seasons of the year, they nearly agree 
with ours, for it is a good deal colder there than it ought to 
be according to the latitude ; it freezes and snows severely in 
winter, so that often there is a strong drift of ice in the river. 
But this occurs some years more than others, as with us. There 
is also the same variety of winds in that country, and in summer 
thunder and lightning with violent showers. In short, it is a 
country well adapted for our people to inhabit, on account of 
the similarity of the climate and the weather to our own; espe- 
cially since it seems to lack nothing that is needful for the subsist- 
ence of man, except domestic cattle, which it would be easy to 
carry there; and besides producing many things of which our 
own country is destitute. Wine can be made there with indus- 
try, since vines are already found that require nothing but culti- 
vation. We have before stated how the country there abounds 
in timber suitable for ship-building ; it is sought by our people 
for that purpose, who have built there several sloops and toler- 
able yachts. And particularly Captain Adriaen Block, when his 
ship was accidentally burnt in the year 1614, constructed there 
a yacht with a keel thirty-eight feet long, forty-four and a half 
feet from stem to stern, and eleven and a half feet wide. In 
this vessel he sailed through Hellegat into the great bay, and 
explored all the places thereabout; and continued therewith 

1 Addition in the edition of 1630. 


as far as Cape Cod, whence he came home in the ship of Hen- 
drick Christiansz, leaving the yacht on that coast for further 


Further Description of the Coast to the. Second Great River, and 
from thence to Latitude 38, [and what the free Nether- 
landers have done there]. 1 

In coming out of the bay that lies at the mouth of the great 
River of the Mountains, we have a tolerably deep channel by 
keeping the river or its mouth to the north-by-east, and the 
outer cape of the high land of the bay to the south-by-east. 
From the sandy hook of the bay or Port May to Fishers' Hook, 
or the eastern extremity of the broken land where the Matou- 
wacks dwell, the land stretches to the east and north-by-east 
and the distance is about twenty-seven or twenty-eight leagues, 
according to the report of some navigators, but according to 
Cornelis Jacopsz. May only twenty-five. When one is out- 
side of the above mentioned hook of Port May, and bound to 
the south, the coast runs south-southwest and north-north- 
east, and a double shore-line is visible. Beyond, the coast 
runs southwest by south, and northeast by north, and 
presents a fine, bold shore, with tolerably high sand hills, and 
the interior land is continuous with the shore lands. But 
farther south the coast is somewhat lower, and is but a strip of 
shore, beyond which water is visible within, and here and there 
a low sandhill. Continuing our course we meet with a gut or 
inlet, and farther on another gut, in about latitude 39 15', 
which is called by our people Eyerhaven, 2 and also Baye Haven. 
This is a small river or kill, within which all is broken land, and 
in the bay are several small islands. A little beyond, in the 
same direction, a fine tall forest is seen upon a low strand, and 
then succeeds a flat sandy shore with very small and low dunes; 
and then towards the south a lofty hilly woodland, and here 
and there slight elevations. 

1 This addition to the title appears in the edition of 1630, and refers to the 
last paragraph of the chapter in that edition, a paragraph the translation of which 
is printed below in square brackets. * I. e., Egg Harbor. 


From thence to Cape May the coast runs mostly east-north- 
east and west-southwest, and the guts or inlets are so numerous 
that there appears to be one for every short league. But one 
should be cautious not to approach too near the coast, since 
there are polders, 1 on which the sea breaks with great violence; 
and the water rapidly grows more shallow, so that at one 
cast of the lead there may be seven fathoms, at another but 
five, and a third only three or less. As we approach Cape May, 
-the coast runs west-southwest and east-northeast, and three 
or four leagues out to sea lies a bank of sand, where there is but 
four and a half fathoms water, while nearer to the land we 
have seven fathoms or more. 

The second river lies also within a great bay, called by our 
people New Port May : it has two capes or headlands, of which 
the northern is named Cape May, and the southern Cape Cor- 
nelius, 2 and these two capes lie east-northeast, well to the north, 
and west-southwest, well to the south, of one another, so far 
distant that one is scarcely able to see across with the eye. 
To the southwest of Cape May, over towards Cape Cornelius 
and full half-way to the south-southeast, there are sandbanks; 
the bay also within is full of sand bars and shoals, so that 
numerous channels are formed, and one should not come in 
unless he is familiar with the bay, for it is highly dangerous. 
Within this bay is the other large river, called the South River, 
of which we have spoken in the seventh chapter; and several 
smaller streams, [running into the large river] 3 which I shall 

1 Low places enclosed within banks. 

a Both capes, say the Latin and French versions, were named after their dis- 
coverer, Cornelius May. They are now called May and Henlopen, though the 
Dutch applied the name Henlopen to a "false cape" some twelve miles farther 
south. See the next paragraph, which is found in both the editions of 1625 and 
1630. Yet, regardless of this, the edition of 1630 adds at this present point, after 
" Cornelius," the words " or also Hinlopen." It also adds 38 55' as the latitude of 
Cape May. 

3 Ed. 1630, which, at the passage below, relating to Indian tribes, reads: 
"On this South River dwell divers nations of savages, namely, the Sauwanoos, 
Naraticons, Ermomex, Sankicans. The Minquaas, Capitanasses, Gacheos, 
Sennecaas, Canomakers, Konekotays, Matanackouses, Armeomecks, etc., 
dwell further inland and upon another river. It is not yet certain whether this 
also flows into the South River or whether it falls into the great bay of Chesepeack, 
for the South River, after running some distance northwest, in the same direction 
as its bay, makes a bend to the northeast, and comes very near to the estuary of 


omit to describe, as their true bearing and situation have not 
reached me, although some of our navigators are well ac- 
quainted with these rivers, which they discovered and have 
visited for several years. Several nations of savages inhabit 
the banks of these rivers, namely, the Sauwanoos, Sanhicans, 
Minquaas, Capitanasses, Gacheos, Sennecaas, Canomakers, 
Naratekons, Konekotays, Matanackouses, Armeomecks, etc., 
nearly all of whom are of the same character and condition as 
those we have already described. They plant the land and have 
much maize, beans, and whatever else the other natives possess. 

The most southerly cape, called by us Cape Cornelius, has 
a white shining appearance, and a reef runs off from it to the 
south-southeast, into the sea; it is situated in latitude 38 54'. 
Four leagues from this cape lies another, which our countrymen 
call Cape Hinloopen, and the course is northeast by east and 
southwest by south. From here the coast stretches first 
mostly north and south, and then southwest and north-north- 
east, and also south by west and north by east. Along the 
shore there is six and seven fathoms water, and the bottom is 
excellent; then again in two or three tacks we have only three 
fathoms. From hence to latitude 38 18' the land trends to 
the southwest, well to the south, and northeast, well to the 
north, with a very narrow strip of beach, and within there is a 
spacious body of water together with low broken land; this 
continues for about eight leagues. To the south of the aforesaid 
beach the land runs mostly northeast by east and southwest 
by west, and is a very uneven bottom, varying from six or 
seven to five fathoms water. 

[Into New Netherland, and upon both these rivers de- 
scribed by us in the foregoing chapters, several colonies have 
been sent by the Directors of the Chartered West India 
Company, 1 from the very commencement of that company, to 

the North River, in the region where dwell the Sankikans and Matovancons." 
See the map in that edition, reproduced in part in Winsor, IV. 436. The Latin 
and French versions attempt to list with more precision the tribes on Delaware 
Bay and River, naming eight or nine tribes not named in the previous editions. 

1 The Dutch West India Company was chartered by the States General on 
June 3, 1621; see the introduction to the next division of this volume (Wassenaer). 
Its charter may be found, in Dutch text, and also correctly translated into English 
for the first time, in the Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, edited by A. J. F. van 
Laer (Albany, 1908), pp. 86-115. 


wit, from the year 1623, in order to continue the possession of 
those quarters, and to maintain the trade in peltries. They 
have there, at the uppermost part of the North River, in the 
latitude of 43 degrees or thereabouts, a small fort, which our 
people call Fort Orange, round about which several colonizers 
have settled themselves under the patronage of the aforesaid 
company. And again another fort of greater importance at 
the mouth of the same North River, upon an island which they 
call Manhattes or Manhatans Island, because this nation of 
Indians happened to possess the same, and by them it has been 
sold to the company. Here our people have made, as it were, 
their headquarters or principal colony, which they call New 
Amsterdam. The ships which are yearly sent thither harbor 
there, and prosecute their trade with boats and sloops higher 
up the North River, in the South River, and in all the other 
rivers and bays hereinbefore described by us.] 



The Nature of the Climate and Soil, the Fruits, Plants, etc., of 
New Netherland. 

Our countrymen who first explored this river, and those 
who subsequently made frequent voyages thither, describe the 
wonderful size of the trees, (a good proof of the luxuriance of 
the soil,) suitable for edifices and vessels of the largest class. 
Wild grape vines are abundant, and walnut trees, the fruit of 
which differs from ours, being smaller and the shell harder and 
smoother. 1 This is also the case with other trees, shrubs, and 
plants that grow spontaneously ; but when cultivated with the 
labor and industry of man, maize or Indian corn, for example, 

1 Lat. leviora, which might be either "lighter" or "smoother." The Fr. 
has plus legere, but the sense seems to require "smoother," since the reference 13 
to hickory nuts as compared with "English" walnuts. 


yields a prolific return. So with various kinds of pulse, es- 
pecially beans, which have an admirable variety of colors; 
pumpkins of the finest species, melons, and similar fruits of a 
useful character; so that nothing is wanting but human in- 
dustry. Our people have begun in different places to sow 
wheat and several other kinds of grain, and also flax, hemp, and 
other European seeds, to which the soil is extremely well 
adapted. There is a great variety of herbaceous plants, some 
of which bear splendid flowers, and others are considered 
valuable for their medicinal properties. I cannot avoid de- 
scribing here two of this class, although their use is not yet 

Two plants were sent to me from New Netherland that 
grew finely last year in the medical garden of this city, 1 one of 
which I have caused to be figured below, but the other was de- 
stroyed by the inclemency of the winter before it could be 
drawn. They were congeners, though differing somewhat in 
shape and the size of the leaves and stalks. They agreed in 
having their leaves of the form of the iron head, with which 
the East Indians and Africans point their darts; both likewise 
had tender and very flexible stalks, either four or five angled, 
rough with small prickles, and nodose or jointed; the leaves 
growing from the joints, and other footstalks springing from 
the axils of the leaves. They differed in these respects: the 
leaves of the one that perished, were broader and smooth on 
both sides; of the other, beside being narrower, the under side 
was rough and of a paler green ; in the second place, the leaves 
of the former were supported by long petioles, while those of 
the latter had very short ones; thirdly, the stems of the former 
were of a greenish red color, of the latter wholly green; and 
finally, while the first seemed to bear no flowers, on the latter, 
both from the joints and the summit of the principal stalk 
sprang minute flowers of a reddish white color, resembling in 
form and general appearance the flowers of the water pepper 

1 The already famous Hortus Academicus of the University of Leyden. De 
Laet himself had a very large herbarium. He devoted a vast amount of time to 
preparing for publication, at the instance of Count John Maurice of Nassau, the 
Historia Rerum Naturalium Brasileae which George Marcgraf , the count's natural- 
ist during his governorship of Brazil, had left unfinished. The botanical species 
Laetia was named after de Laet by Linnaeus himself. 


except that they are somewhat handsomer, and grow in clusters 
of a more globular form. Some one has remarked, perhaps not 
without good reason, that one of these plants might be the male 
and the other the female. Both perished last winter, on which 
account I was unable to make farther observations. I here 
add a figure of the flowering plant. 1 

The forests everywhere contain a great variety of wild 
animals, especially of the deer kind, and other quadrupeds that 
are indigenous to this part of North America. Innumerable 
birds are also found here, both large and small, those that 
frequent the rivers and lakes, as well as the forests, and possess 
plumage of great elegance and variety of colors. In winter 
superior turkey cocks are taken, very fat, and with flesh of 
the best quality. The rivers produce excellent fish, such as 
the salmon, sturgeon, and many others. 

The temperature of the climate differs little from our own ; 
for although the country is many degrees nearer to the equator 
than the Netherlands, yet it is not less cold in winter; the frost 
is very intense; deep and frequent snows fall and cover the 
ground for a long time, with the same variety of years as with 
us. The winds are equally changeable ; and in summer there 
is much thunder and lightning with violent showers. I am 
therefore of the opinion that scarcely any part of America is 
better adapted for the settlement of colonies from our country, 
especially since nothing is wanting that is necessary to sustain 
life, and the soil can be rendered still more productive by labor 
and industry; only cattle and beasts of burden are wanted, 
which can be easily transported there and kept with the utmost 
convenience on account of the abundance of fodder found 
almost everywhere. The grape-vines also, if properly attended 
to, seem to promise a rich supply of wine. 

1 A drawing of the plant appears in both the Latin and the French editions, 
from which, in connection with the above description, it appears that the one 
which perished first was polygonum arifolium, or halberd-leaved tear-thumb, and 
the one that survived longer polygonum sagittatum, or arrow-leaved tear-thumb, 
common weeds of no value. 



The Manners and Customs of the Natives of New-Netherland, 
and the Language of the Sankikans. 

The barbarians being divided into many nations and people, 
differ much from one another in language though very little in 
manners; they possess the same constitution of body as those 
that inhabit a great part of New France. Their clothing is 
composed of the skins of wild animals, especially beavers, foxes, 
and the like, sewed together in the manner of savages, with 
which they cover themselves entirely in winter, and slightly in 
summer. Their food principally consists of maize or Indian 
corn, from which they bake cakes resembling loaves of bread; 
fish, birds, and wild game. Their weapons are bows and arrows, 
the latter pointed with sharp flint stones or the bones of fishes. 
Their boats are one piece of wood, hollowed out by fire from 
the solid trunks of trees. Some of them lead a wandering life 
in the open air with no settled habitations ; lying stretched upon 
the ground or on mats made of bulrushes, they take both their 
sleep and food, especially in summer, when they go nearer to 
the sea for the sake of fishing. Others have fixed places of 
abode, and dwellings built with beams in the form of an oven, 
covered above with the bark of trees, so large that they are 
sufficient for several families. Their household furniture is 
slight and scanty, consisting of mats and wooden dishes, 
hatchets made of hard flint stone by dint of savage labor, and 
tubes for smoking tobacco formed likewise of flint stone in- 
geniously perforated, so that it is surprising how, in so great a 
want of iron implements, they are able to carve the stone. 
They neither desire nor know riches. 

They have no sense of religion, no worship of God; they 
indeed pay homage to the Devil, but not so solemnly nor with 
such precise ceremonies as the Africans do. They call him in 
their language Menutto or Menetto, and whatever is wonderful 
and seems to exceed human capacity, they also call Menetto; 
evidently in the same manner in which, as we have mentioned 
above, the Canadians use the word Oqui. 

They have no form of political government, except that they 


have their chiefs, whom they call sackmos and sagamos, who are 
not much more than heads of families, for they rarely exceed 
the limits of one family connexion. They are like most 
barbarians suspicious and fearful, although greedy of revenge ; 
they are fickle, but if humanely treated, hospitable and ready 
to perform a service; they ask only a small remuneration for 
what they do, and will make very long journeys in a short 
time with greater fidelity than could be justly expected from 
such a barbarous people. Nor is it to be doubted that by 
associating with Christians they could be imbued with civilized 
manners and with religion, especially if there should be planted 
among them colonies of well ordered people, who would employ 
their services without violence or abuse, and in return accustom 
them to the worship of the true God and the habits of civilized 

I cannot omit giving some idea of the language of these 
barbarians, (as I have done with others), and especially of the 
Sankikans, 1 who dwell on the upper part of the South River, 
as we shall presently relate. 2 

Their names of numerals are the following : 

1 Cotte 8 Gechas 60 Cottegynagh 

2 Nysse 9 Pescon 70 Nyssastigen 

3 Nacha 10 Terren 80 Gahashynagh 

4 Wywe 20 Myssynach 90 Pescongynach 

5 Parenagh 30 Nachynagh 100 Cottapach. 

6 Cottach 40 Weywynagh 

7 Nyssas 50 Parathgynah 

The parts of the human body are thus named: 

Head Wyer. 

Eye Schinquoy. 

Mouth Toonne. 

1 Sankikans or Sanhikans, it appears from early Dutch maps and descrip- 
tions, means the Indians of northern New Jersey. The words given below are 
pure Delaware, some Munsi some Unami, the forms being in many cases almost 
identical with those noted down by Zeisberger and Heckewelder a hundred and 
fifty years later. 

3 7. e., in chapter 12 of the Latin and French versions, corresponding to chap- 
ter 11 of the Dutch, already presented in this volume, pp. 52, 53 supra. 




Tongue Wyeranou. 

Shoulder Duchke. 

Arms Nachk. 

Nails Hyckaes. 

Stomach These. 

Feet Syt. 

Hair Mytrach. 

Nose Akywan. 

Lip Chettoen. 

Chin Hochquoy. 

Breast Toorsay. 

Fingers Rinskan. 

Nerve . Cheet. 

Belly Nathey. 

Forehead Nachkaronck. 

Ear Hyttrwack. 

Tooth Wypyt. 

Neck Nequoykangan. 

Breasts Noenackan. 

Thumb Rideren. 

Blood Mohocht. 

Thigh Promine. 

The names of the sexes are: male, Renoes; female, Or- 

The elements and what is composed of them: 

Fire Tinteywe. 

Rain Soukeree. 

Hail Tasseckii. 

Water Empye. 

Frost Kepatten. 

Tree Hitteocke. 

Snow Wynoywee. 

The names of animals: 

Deer Atto. 

Bear Machquoyvo. 

Beaver Temaquoy. 

Wolf Metumnu. 


Lion . . v ' .... ... ... SynquoyMackyrggh. 

Otter . . . . . .:' . . . Counamoch. 

Dog . . * . .... . . . Aram. 

Fox . . . .... . . . Woucous. 

Of birds: 

Swan ' .... . Wynkyckso. 

Duck . . . . " . . . . . Comconcke. 

Turkey , . Sickenum. 

Partridge Ourikinck. 

Crane Tarecka. 

Turtle dove . Mymy. 

Goose Ciahack. 

Of fishes: 

Pike * . . Caopyte. 

Trout . . . . . ." . . . Cackykane. 

Eel Syackameck. 

Perch Cawycakanesse. 


Good Ouret. 

Bad Matet. 



IN the early part of the seventeenth century newspapers 
were but just beginning to exist. News-pamphlets, not peri- 
odical, were more numerous. Annual or semi-annual volumes 
detailing the events or news of the year, after the manner of 
the Annual Register of our time, began, so far as the present 
writer knows, with the Mercure Francois in 1605. But one 
of the very earliest of such compilations was the Historisch 
Verhael alder ghedenck-weerdichste Geschiedenissen die hier en 
daer in Europa, etc., voorgevallen syn (" Historical Account of 
all the most Remarkable Events which have happened in 
Europe," etc.), which began to be published at Amsterdam in 
1622 by Nicolaes van Wassenaer, the first volume covering the 
months from January to June, 1621, and the preface being 
dated August 30, 1621. 

Nicolaes Janszoon van Wassenaer was the son of a minis- 
ter of the Reformed Church in Amsterdam. He studied at 
Geneva at the expense of the Amsterdam magistrates. In 
their records, under date of September 11, 1586, we read their 
resolve that "when the student who was sent to Geneva at 
the city's expense has returned, [it was the famous Jacobus 
Arminius, and he returned in 1587], another shall be sent 
thither, and that the preference shall be given to the son of the 
late preacher Jan Claaszoon" [Wassenaer]. A learned scholar, 
Wassenaer published first (1605) a Greek poem on the siege 
of Haarlem, where in 1621 he was "conrector" in the school. 
Then he removed to Amsterdam, and practised as a physician. 
Though he wrote a history of the Turks (1624) and a medical 
work of some repute, his importance to us is solely that of the 



compiler of the Historisch Verhael, which appeared in twenty- 
one semi-annual parts, covering the years 1621-1631. We are 
not to expect too much from such compilations of news, nor to 
attribute too much accuracy to their statements respecting 
remote happenings, when the means of information were so 
imperfect and so casual. Yet Amsterdam was doubtless the 
best place in which to gather news of New Netherland, and we 
may perhaps take it as a sign of special interest that Wassenaer 
dedicates his second issue to the West India Company (the 
first bears no dedication), while the third is dedicated to 
Prince Maurice, the fourth to the States General, and the fifth 
to Count Frederick Henry. At all events, these journalistic 
jottings concerning the New Netherland of 1623-1630 have for 
us a considerable value because we have so little other testi- 
mony concerning those years, especially the earlier of them, 
and because of their periodical issue, which enables us to fol- 
low the progress of the colony in narratives almost contem- 
porary. All that bears on New Netherland is included in the 
following pages. A translation of nearly all was printed in 
1850 in Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan's Documentary History of the 
State of New York, III. 27-48, but it is believed that the 
present translation is considerably more correct. 

The chief event of New Netherland history, in the period 
between the voyages of Block and the publication of Was- 
senaer's first narrative, was the incorporation by the States 
General of the Dutch West India Company, June 3, 1621, 
under whose control New Netherland remained from that time 
to the English conquest in 1664. Willem Usselinx, the 
founder of that company, an Antwerp merchant whose biog- 
raphy by the present writer is printed in the second volume of 
the Papers of the American Historical Association, had been for 
thirty years agitating the formation of a West India Company 
which might repeat in the western world the achievements and 
prosperity of the Dutch East India Company, and might also 


play a more warlike part by attacking the King of Spain in his 
own colonial dominions. Party dissensions in the Dutch 
republic had hindered the promotion of the project, and the 
Twelve Years' Truce had stopped it for a time; but with the 
overthrow of Oldenbarneveld and the resumption of war with 
Spain it was revived, and the company was chartered. 

The " Chartered West India Company" was given a monop- 
oly of trade between Dutch ports and the west coast of Africa 
and all the coasts of America. Within these ample limits it 
could form alliances with native princes and tribes, appoint 
and discharge governors and other officers, administer justice 
and promote trade and colonization. Under the superior 
control of the States General, its government was vested in 
five federated chambers or boards of managers, the chief one 
at Amsterdam, others representing the investors of Zeeland, 
of the towns on the Maas, of North Holland and of the northern 
provinces of Friesland and Groningen. General executive 
powers were vested in the College of the Nineteen; and the 
government promised aid and protection. New Netherland 
was riot specifically mentioned, and in all colonies the position 
and rights of colonists were left to be defined by a corporation 
formed for war and commerce. Throughout all the earlier 
part of the company's history, its interest in New Netherland 
was far less than in the conquest of Brazil from Spain, the 
maintenance of Brazil as a Dutch colony, and the war against 
the Portuguese for its retention, ending wit*h its loss in 

It was two years from the granting of the charter (June, 
1621-June, 1623) before the West India Company had per- 
fected its internal organization and become ready to prosecute 
with energy the objects of its incorporation. Meanwhile 
voyages of private adventurers had continued, the Pilgrims had 
made their settlement permanent at Plymouth, and the 
English government had begun the long series of diplomatic 


attacks upon the Dutch title to New Netherland which ended 
in the English conquest in 1664. 

This may be the most appropriate point at which to give 
for reference a list of the governors or directors general of 
New Netherland: Cornelis Jacobsen May, 1624-1625; Willem 
Verhulst, 1625-1626; Peter Minuit, 1626-1632; Sebastiaen 
Jansen Krol, 1632-1633; Wouter van Twiller, 1633-1638; 
Willem Kieft, 1638-1647; Petrus Stuyvesant, 1647-1664. 


[Under February, 1624.] ' 

NUMEROUS voyages realize so much profit for adventurers: 
that they discover other countries, which are afterwards 
settled and planted with people. Virginia, a country lying in 
42| degrees, is one of these. It was first peopled by the 
French, afterwards by the English and is to-day a flourishing 
colony. The Lords States General observing the great abun- 
dance of their people as well as their desire to occupy other 
lands, have allowed the West India Company to settle that same 
country. Many from the United Provinces did formerly and 
do still trade there; yea, for the greater security of the traders, 
a castle Fort Nassau has been built on an island in 42 de- 
grees, on the north side of the River Montagne, now called 
Mauritius. But as the nation there was somewhat discon- 
tented, and not easy to live with, the builders let it fall into 
decay, 2 intending now to plant a colony among the Maikans, 
a nation lying 25 leagues on both sides of the river. 

This river, or the bay, lies in 40 degrees; is easy to enter, 
being as broad or wide as the Thames, and navigable full fifty 
leagues up, through divers nations, who sometimes manifest 
themselves with arrows, like enemies, sometimes like friends; 
but when they have seen the ships once or twice, or traded 
with our people, they become altogether friendly. 

Below the Maikans are situate these tribes: Mechken- 
towoon, Tapants, on the west side; Wiekagjock, Wyeck, on the 
east side. Two nations lie there lower down at Klinckersberg. 

1 This passage is on pp. 144 recto-147 recto of part vi. of Wassenaer, the sec- 
tion for February, 1624, of which the preface is dated June 1, 1624. 

1 Fort Nassau, built in 1614 or 1615, on Castle Island, near where Albany 
now stands, was abandoned in 1617 on account of injury by freshets. 



At the Fisher's hook are Pachany, Warenecker, Warrawan- 
nankonckx. Near one place, Esopes, are two or three tribes. 
The Manhates are situate at the mouth. In the interior are 
also many, as the Maquas. Full fifty leagues higher are found 
likewise many villages, all which come to this river to trade 
from the interior which is very swampy, great quantities of 
water running to the river, overflowing the adjoining country, 
which was the cause that Fort Nassau frequently lay under 
water and was abandoned. 

This country now called New Netherland l is usually 
reached in seven or eight weeks from here. The course lies 
towards the Canary Islands; thence to the savage islands, 
then towards the mainland of Virginia, steering across, in 
fourteen days, leaving the Bahamas on the left, and the 
Bermudas on the right hand, between which the winds are 
variable with which the land is made. 

Respecting religion we as yet cannot learn that they have 
any knowledge of God, but there is something that is in repute 
among them. What they have is transmitted to them by 
tradition, from ancestor to ancestor. They say that mention 
was made to their forefathers many thousand moons ago, of 
good and evil spirits, to whose honor, it is supposed, they burn 
fires or sacrifices. They wish to stand well with the good 
spirits; they like exhortations about them. The ministry of 
their spiritual affairs is attended to by one they call Kitzinacka, 
which, I suppose, is priest. When any one among them is 
sick, he visits him; sits by him and bawls, roars and cries like 
one possessed. If a man die, he is laid in the earth without a 
coffin, with all his finest garments of skins. This priest has 
no house-keeping of his own. He lodges where he pleases, or 
where he last officiated; must not eat any food prepared by 
a married woman. It must be cooked by a maiden or old 
woman. He never cohabits with them, living like a capuchin. 
When a child arrives at the age of twelve, then they can deter- 
mine whether he shall be a Kitsinacka or not. If he says so, 
then he is brought up to such office. Becoming of age, he 
undertakes the exercise of it. 

All the natives pay particular attention to the sun, the 

1 Apparently the first mention of the name New Netherland in print; it had 
been formally bestowed by the charter of October 11, 1614. 


moon, and the stars, as they are of as great interest to them, 
as to us, having like summer and winter. But geographers are 
aware that the length and shortness of the days differ, on 
account of situation. The first moon following that at the 
end of February is greatly honored by them. They watch it 
with great devotion, and when it comes, they compliment it 
with a festival; then they collect together from all quarters, 
and revel in their way, with wild game or fish, and drink 
clear river water to their fill. They have nothing with which 
they can become intoxicated. It appears that the year com- 
mences then, this moon being a harbinger of the summer. 
Shortly afterwards the women, who in that land provide 
the food, as respects both planting and gathering, begin to 
make preparations, and carry their seed into the field. They 
allow the succeeding moons to appear without any feasting; 
but they celebrate the new August moon by another festival, 
as their harvest then approaches, which is very abundant in 
consequence of the great mildness of the climate. The sum- 
mers are frequently very hot, and the land moist, which pro- 
duces abundance of fruits and grain. Turkish wheat * is abun- 
dant there, and is pounded by the women, made into meal, 
and baked into cakes in the ashes, after the olden fashion, and 
used for food. 

As they care nothing for the spiritual, they direct their 
study to the physical, closely observing the seasons. The 
women there are the most skilful star-gazers; there is scarcely 
one of them but can name all the stars; their rising, setting; 
the position of the Arctos, that is the Wain, is as well known to 
them as to us, and they name them by other names. But Him 
who dwells above they know not; affording all us Christians 
an argument to thank Him, that He hath so beneficently 
granted us knowledge of Him, leaving these in darkness; so 
that what the apostle says is found to be true. It is not of 
him that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that 
sheweth mercy. 2 

There is little authority known among these nations. They 
live almost all equally free. In each village, indeed, is found a 
person who is somewhat above the others and commands abso- 

1 Indian corn. * Rom. ix. 16. 


lutely when there is war and when they are gathered from all the 
villages to go to war. But the fight once ended, his authority 
ceases. They are very much afraid of death; but when they 
perceive that they must die, they are very brave and more 
ferocious than beasts. When a lad desires a wife, he buys her 
generally in a neighboring village, and she, being a maiden, is 
then delivered to him by two or three other women, carrying 
on the head meal, roots, corn or other articles, to the young 
man's hut, and he receives her. The dwellings are commonly 
circular, with a vent hole above to let out the smoke, closed 
with four doors, and made mostly of the bark of trees which are 
very abundant there. They sleep on the ground covered with 
leaves and skins. At their meals they sit on the ground. 
Each highly esteems his own children, bringing them up very 
much spoiled. The women sew skins into clothing, prepare 
bread, cook the meat which the men hunt and kill with arrows, 
especially in the winter when all is bare in the fields and but 
scanty forage is to be picked off the snow; then the animals 
approach the villages and are shot. 

It is very common among them for one man to buy and to 
have many wives, but not in one place; when he journeys 
five or six leagues he finds another wife who also takes care of 
him; five or ten leagues further, he again finds another wife 
who keeps house and so on to several, constantly buying up 
peltries through the country. But as those inland find that 
furs sold too cheap among them, they come down themselves 
to the rivers and trade with the nations as best they can. 
Also those who will trade with them must furnish them food 
at an inhabitant's in the village let them cook their meat and 
fish there, as much as they like, and then they thank the trader. 
In other respects, they are extremely hospitable; the one 
lodges with the other without thought of compensation. 
Those who come far from the interior, yea thirty days' journey, 
declare there is considerable water everywhere and that the 
upper country is marshy; those that dwell still higher make 
mention of great waves that water their lands; so that what 
many think may be true, that Hudson's Strait runs through to 
the South Sea, and is navigable, unless obstructed by the ice, 
since it extends to the northward. It were desirable that it 
were once more tested. Those who made the last voyage are 


of the same opinion, as they found all open sea, a rapid current 
and whales. 

They live in summer mostly on fish. The men repair to the 
river and catch a great quantity in a short time, as it is full 
and furnishes various sorts. The arrows they use are pointed 
with little bones, iron or copper, with which they, being good 
marksmen, shoot deer, fawns, hares, and foxes and all such. 
The country is full of game : hogs, bears, leopards, yea lions, as 
appears by the skins which were brought on board. Oxen and 
horses there are none. 

In the woods are found all sorts of fruits: plums, wild 
cherries, peaches; yea, fruits in great profusion. Tobacco 
is planted in abundance, but much better grows in the wild 
parts of Brazil; it is called Virginian. Vines grow wild there; 
were there wine-growers who understood the pressing, good 
wine could be brought hither in great quantity, and even as 
must, the voyage thence being often made in thirty days. 

Their trade consists mostly in peltries, which they measure 
by the hand or by the finger. It happened that a woman who 
had seen a skipper's lace shirt, fell sick; finding she should die 
she gave her husband three fine peltry skins to present to the 
skipper for the shirt, which he willingly gave her, for she 
wished to be buried in it; imitating the Christians in the 
sumptuousness of their burials. In exchange for peltries they 
receive beads, with which they decorate their persons; knives, 
adzes, axes, chopping-knives, kettles and all sorts of iron work 
which they require for house-keeping. 

In their waters are all sorts of fowls, such as cranes, bitterns, 
swans, geese, ducks, widgeons, wild geese, as in this country. 
Birds fill also the woods so that men can scarcely go through 
them for the whistling, the noise, and the chattering. Who- 
ever is not lazy can catch them with little difficulty. Turkey 
beans l is a very common crop. Pigeons fly wild; they are 
chased by the foxes like fowls. Tortoises are very small, and 
are not eaten, because there is plenty of other food. The 
most wonderful are the dreadful frogs, in size about a span, 
which croak with a ringing noise in the evening, as in this 
country. Tis surprising that storks have not been found there, 

1 French beans. 


since it is a marshy country. Spoon-bills, ravens, eagles, 
sparrow-hawks, vultures are numerous and are quickly shot 
or knocked down by the natives. 

'Tis worthy of remark that, with so many tribes, there is 
so great a diversity of language. They vary frequently not 
over five or six leagues ; forthwith comes another language ; if 
they meet they can hardly understand one another. There 
are some who come sixty leagues from the interior, and can not 
at all understand those on the river. All are very cunning in 
trade; yea, frequently, after having sold everything, they will 
retract the bargain, and that forcibly, in order to get something 
more; and then they return upwards, thirty and forty strong, 
all clothed in skins, with the fur outside. 

It appears by the statements of the highlanders, there are 
larger animals in the interior. On seeing the head of the Bull, 
one of the signs of the heavens, the women know how to ex- 
plain that it is a horned head of a big, wild animal which 
inhabits the distant country, but not theirs, and when it rises 
in a certain part of the heavens, at a time known to them, 
then is the season for planting; then they begin to break up 
the soil with mattocks and to throw in the seed ; like the boors 
in Italy who appear by Virgil in the Bucolics to take their 
time from the signs. 

The science of foretelling or interpreting of events is 
altogether undeveloped and unknown to them; delivering no 
oracles or revelations of the one or the other sort, as they have 
very little knowledge of future or past things. 

It is somewhat strange that among these most barbarous 
people, there are few or none cross-eyed, blind, crippled, lame, 
hunch-backed or limping men; all are well fashioned people, 
strong and sound of body, well fed, without blemish. 

In some places they have abundant means, with herbs and 
leaves or roots, to cure their ailments. There is not an ailment 
they have not a remedy for; but in other localities they are 
altogether devoid of succor, leaving the people to perish like 

Chastity appears to be of some repute among them, for the 
women are not all equally loose. There are some who would 
not cohabit with ours for any compensation. Others hold it 
in small esteem ; especially as they are free, living without law. 


In the rearing of their offspring, they exhibit great laxity; 
nevertheless when the children in great numbers follow after 
this nation, they forbid it as not beseeming; yea, command 
them to return back. 

They are not, by nature, the most gentle. Were there no 
weapons, especially muskets, near, they would frequently 
kill the traders for sake of the plunder; but whole troops run 
before five or six muskets. At the first coming [of the whites] 
they were accustomed to fall prostrate on the report of the 
gun; but now they stand still from habit, so that the first 
colonists will stand in need of protection. 

In the South Bay, 1 some miles nearer Florida, is a more 
temperate country. There is no winter there save in January, 
and then but for a few days. 

Their numerals run no higher than ours; twenty being 
twice ten. When they desire twenty of anything, they stick the 
ten fingers up and point with them to the feet on which are ten 
toes. They count, Honslat, Tegeni, Hasse, Kajeri, Wish, 
lajack, Satach, Siattege, Tiochte, Ojeri. The names of their 
months are these: Cuerano, the first with them, February; 
2. Weer-hemska] 3. Heemskan] 4. Oneratacka; 5. Oneratack, 
then men begin to sow and to plant: 6. Hagarert] 7. lakou- 
varatta] 8. Halterhonagat] 9. Genhendasta,', then the grain and 
every thing is ripe. 10. Digojenjattha, then is the seed housed. 
Of January and December they take no note, being of no use 
to them. 2 

A ship was fitted out under a commission from the West 
India Company, and freighted with families, to plant a colony 
among this people. But to go forward safely, it is first of all 
necessary that they be placed in a good defensive position and 
well provided with forts and arms, since the Spaniard, who 
claims all the country, will never allow any one to gain a 
possession there; and as the Spaniards have made many 
incursions as well above as below, in Florida, Virginia and 
thereabouts, I deem it not uncalled-for to tell something 
thereof, being a mirror in which every one can see and defend 
himself, and how the Spaniards always aim as well in general 

1 Delaware Bay. 

' Nearly all the numerals and some of the names of months can be identified 
as Mohawk words. 


as in particular at monarchy. Such description shall be 
presented in the commencement of Part the Seventh, as this 
Book cannot contain it. 

[Under April, 1624.] ' 

Homo est animal sociabile, is in some sense a definition, in 
some sense a description, of man. Men's sociability led them 
to congregate and to live peaceably together, from which 
arose hamlets, villages and cities, and afterwards chiefs were 
chosen among them; these, observing that the collected mass 
frequently so increased that they could with difficulty sup- 
port themselves, separated a number of their people, who 
took up and settled the neighboring places. The patriarchs 
of the Old Testament, finding themselves altogether too many 
in their countries, sent some of theirs into the uninhabited 
valleys, and cultivated these. The Assyrians wishing to en- 
large their monarchy caused their subjects to inhabit the in- 
vaded countries in great numbers. Those of the Persian 
monarchy did the same. But the Greeks extended their 
limits very far; for they by navigation peopled entire islands, 
as appears by the highly learned Petrus Cluverius, who fur- 
nishes us correct information on all points in his published 
Italy. 2 The Romans domineering over the western world, 
spread colonies all over it, as is proved by the carved stones 
found everywhere; but what order they observed herein is well 
known to us. Those sent thither, must acknowledge the send- 
ers as their lords, pay them homage, and remain under their 
sovereignty; they were also protected by these by suitable 
weapons furnished also to them. And whereas, God be praised, 
it hath come about that the Honorable Messrs. Directors of the 
West India Company have, with the consent of the Noble High 
and Mighty Lords States General, undertaken to plant some 
colonies, I shall give the particulars of them, as follows: 

We treated in our preceding discourse of the discovery of 
some rivers in Virginia; the studious reader will learn how 
affairs proceeded. The West India Company being char- 

1 This passage is from part vn. of Wassenaer, pp. 10 verso-11 verso. The 
preface to this part is dated December 1, 1624. 

* The allusion is to the Italia Antiqua of Philip Cluverius (Leyden, 1624). 



tered to navigate these rivers, did not neglect so to do, but 
equipped in the spring 1 a vessel of 130 lasts, called the Nieu 
Nederlandt, whereof Cornelis Jacobsz May of Hoorn was skip- 
per, with a company of 30 families, mostly Walloons, to plant 
a colony there. 2 They sailed in the beginning of March, and 
directing their course by the Canary Islands, steered towards 
the Wild Coast, 3 and gained the west wind which luckily [took] 
them in the beginning of May into the river called, first Rio de 
Montagues, now the River Mauritius, 4 lying in 40^ degrees. 
He found a Frenchman lying in the mouth of the river, who 
would erect the arms of the King of France there; but the 
Hollanders would not permit it, forbidding it by commission 
from the Lords States General and the Directors of the West 
India Company; and in order not to be frustrated therein, 
with the assistance of those of the yacht Maeckereel which had 
lain above, they caused a yacht of two guns to be manned, and 
convoyed the Frenchman out of the river, who would do the 
same thing in the South River, but he was also prevented by 
the settlers there. 

This being done, the ship sailed up to the Maykans, 5 44 
leagues, and they built and completed a fort named " Orange " 
with four bastions, on an island, by them called Castle Island. 
They forthwith put the spade in the ground and began to 

>Of 162& t/ ' -1 ...-'* 

2 This group "of Walloons (i. e., French-speaking Belgians) had in the spring 
of 1622 applied to the States of the Province of Holland for transportation to New 
Netherland as colonists, and the matter had been referred to the Amsterdam 
Chamber of the West India Company. In the Documentary History of New 
York, III. 49-51, are two depositions made in 1685 and 1688 by Catelina Trico, 
one of the company who came out in this first voyage. She gives interesting de- 
tails respecting the distribution of the immigrants to the Connecticut River, 
Delaware River and Manhattan, and respecting her voyage wi'th the remainder, 
"about 18 families," up to Albany, where she lived three years, "all which time 
the said Indians were all as quiet as Lambs." But in details where she differs 
from this contemporary account by Wassenaer, we are not to place much reliance 
on recollections stated sixty years later. Skipper May was the same who had 
been exploring these coasts since 1613, and for whom Cape May is named; 130 
lasts=260 tons. 

3 The seventeenth-century Dutch name for Guiana. 

* North River, called sometimes by the name of Prince Maurice of Orange. 
6 Mohicans. Fort Orange was not built on the island, but on the present site 
of Albany. 


plant, and before the yacht Maeckereel sailed, the grain was 
nearly as high as a man, so that they are bravely advanced. 
They also placed a fort which they named "Wilhelmus" on 
Prince's Island, heretofore called Murderer's Island; 1 it is open 
in front, and has a curtain in the rear and is garrisoned by 
sixteen men for the defence of the river below. On leaving 
there, the course lies for the west wind, and having got it, to 
the Bermudas and so to the Channel and in a short time to the 
Fatherland. The yacht Maeckereel sailed out last year on the 
16th of June and arrived yonder on the 12th of December. 
That was indeed somewhat late, but it wasted time in the 
savage islands, to catch a fish, 2 and did not catch it, so ran the 
luck. The worthy Daniel van Krieckebeeck, for brevity 
called Beeck, was supercargo on it, and so did his duty that 
he was thanked. 

Respecting this colony, it has already a prosperous begin- 
ning; and the hope is that it will not fall through provided 
it be zealously sustained, not only in that place but in the 
South River. For their increase and prosperous advancement, 
it is highly necessary that those sent out be first of all well 
provided with means both of support and defence, and that 
being freemen, they be settled there on a free tenure; that all 
they work for and gain be theirs to dispose of and to transfer 
it according to their pleasure; that whoever is placed over them 
as commander act as their father not as their executioner, 
leading them with a gentle hand ; for whoever rules them as a 
friend and associate will be beloved by them, while he who 
will order them as a superior will subvert everything and bring 
it to naught ; yea, they will excite against him the neighboring 
provinces to which they will fly. Tis better to rule by love 
and friendship than by force. 

[Under December, 1624.] 3 

At the same time that the fleet arrived from Archangel, a 
large quantity of otter skins was received here in Amsterdam 
from France, finer than had ever been seen in this country, 

1 Site not certain. 2 Jocose expression, meaning a Spanish prize. 

3 This passage is from part vm. of Wassenaer, pp. 84 verso-85 recto. The 
preface of part vra. is dated May 20, 1625. 


sold by those of Canada and the circumjacent places. The 
natives are in the habit of clothing themselves with them; the 
fur or hair inside, the smooth side without, which, however, 
they paint so beautifully that, at a distance, it resembles lace. 
They are so clever that they make use of the best for that pur- 
pose ; what is poor of substance they deem unsuitable for their 
clothing. When they bring their commodities to the traders, 
and find they are desirous to buy them, they make so very little 
matter of it, that they at once rip up the skins they are clothed 
with and sell them as being the best. They use the beaver skins 
mostly for the sleeves, as they are not so expensive ; and they 
frequently come several days' journey from the interior, to ex- 
change their goods with the tribes. 

The same course is followed in New Netherland. It is 
very pleasant, all products being in abundance, though wild. 
Grapes are of very good flavor, but will be henceforward better 
cultivated by our people. Cherries are not found there. 
There are all sorts of fowls, both in the water and in the air. 
Swans, geese, ducks, bitterns, abound. The men never labor, 
except to provide some game, either fowl or other wild sort, 
for cooking, and then they have provided everything. The 
women must attend to the remainder, tilling the soil, etc. As 
soon as our people arrived there, they proceeded to clear and 
plant. Before this vessel had left, the harvest was far ad- 
vanced. It excites little attention if any one [of the Indians] 
abandon his wife ; in case she have children, they usually follow 
her. Their summers are fine, but the days there are shorter 
than with us here. The winters are severe, but there is plenty 
of fuel, as the country is well wooded and it is at the service of 
whoever wants it. 

There is some respect paid to those in authority amongst 
them; but these are no wise richer than others. There is 
always so much in it, that the chief is feared and obeyed as long 
as he is near; but he must shift for himself like others. There 
is nothing seen in his house more than in those of the rest. 
But our people must pay their respects to him with a kettle or 
an axe, and he comes forward to beg a draught of brandy along 
with the rest. 

As regards the prosperity of New Netherland, we learn by 
the arrival of the ship whereof Jan May of Hoorn was skipper, 


that everything there was in good condition. The colony 
began to advance bravely and to live in friendship with the 
natives. The fur or other trade remains in the West India 
Company, others being forbidden to trade there. Rich beavers, 
otters, martins and foxes are found there. This voyage 
five hundred otter skins, and fifteen hundred beavers, and a few 
other skins were brought hither, which were sold in four 
parcels for twenty-eight thousand, some hundred guilders. 1 

This country, or the River Montagne, called by ours Mauri- 
tius, was first sailed to by the worthy Hendrick Christiaensz 
of Cleves. When he had been on a voyage to the West Indies, 
he happened near there. But his vessel being laden, and a 
ship belonging to Monickendam having been wrecked in that 
neighborhood, he durst not approach that land; this he post- 
poned, being desirous to do so another time. It so happened 
that he and the worthy Adriaen Block chartered a ship with 
the skipper Ryser, and accomplished his voyage thither, 
bringing back with him two sons of the principal sachem there. 
Though very dull men, they were expert enough in knavery. 
Hudson, the famous English pilot, had been there also, to 
reach the South Sea, but found no passage; as one may read 
in the Netherlands History, in the year 1612. 2 

This aforesaid Hendrick Christiaensz, after Adriaen Block 
had dissolved partnership with him, made ten voyages thither, 
under a grant from the Lords States, who granted him that 
privilege for the first opening up of the place. On the expira- 
tion of that privilege, this country was granted to the West 
India Company, to draw their profits thence; as has already 
been done, and shall still further increase from the products 
which are manifest there, whereof further detail will be given 
in the next, as much depends on the success. 

1 Wassenaer, vm. 105, notes the sale of cargo under date of December 20, 
1624. But de Laet, who was probably more exact, notes for this year 4,000 
beavers and 700 otters, brought in by two ships, and selling for 25,000 to 27,000 
guilders; Jaerlyck Verhael, app., pp. 26, 29. "Jan May" above is apparently 
a mistake for Cornelis Jacobsz May. 

8 The reference is probably to Meteren. 



[Under April, 1625.] l 

Though good care was taken by the directors of the West 
India Company in the spring to provide everything for 
the colony in Virginia, by us called New Netherland, on the 
river Mauritius, near the Maykans, an extraordinary shipment 
was sent thither this month, 2 to strengthen it with what was 
needful, as follows: 

As the country is well adapted for agriculture and the raising 
of everything that is produced here, the aforesaid gentlemen re- 
solved to take advantage of the circumstance, and to provide 
the place with many necessaries, through the worthy Pieter 
Evertsen Hulft, who undertook to ship thithar, at his risk, 
whatever was asked of him, to wit ; one hundred and three head 
of live stock stallions, mares, bulls and cows for breeding and 
multiplying, besides all the hogs and sheep that they thought 
expedient to send thither; and to distribute these in two ships 
of one hundred and forty lasts, in such a manner that they 
should be well foddered and attended to. Each animal has its 
own stall, with a floor of three feet of sand, arranged as com- 
fortably as any stall here. Each animal has its respective 
servant who attends to it and knows what he is to get if he 
delivers it there alive. All suitable forage is there, such as 
oats, hay and straw, and what else is useful. Country people 
have also joined the expedition, who take with them all 
furniture proper for the dairy; all sorts of seed, ploughs and 
agricultural implements are also present, so that nothing is 
wanting. What is most remarkable is, that nobody in the two 
ships can discover where the water is stowed for these cattle. 
In order to use the same plan another time if needful, I shall 
here add it : the above-named manager caused a deck to be 
constructed in the ship. Beneath this were stowed in each 
ship three hundred tuns of fresh water, which was pumped up 
and thus distributed among the cattle. On this deck lay the 
ballast and thereupon stood the horses and bulls, and thus 
there was nothing wanting. He added the third ship as an 

1 This passage is from part IX. of Wassenaer, pp. 40, 44; the preface is dated 
December 1, 1625. z April, 1625. 


extra, so that, should the voyage, which is ordinarily made in 
six weeks, continue longer, nothing should be wanting and he 
should be able to fulfill his contract. So, in the eyes of the far- 
seeing, this colony, which lies right beside the Spanish passage 
from the West Indies, has great prospects. 

In company with these, goes a fast sailing yacht at the risk 
of the Directors. In these aforesaid vessels also go six com- 
pletely equipped families, with some single persons, so that 
forty-five new comers or inhabitants are taken out, to remain 
there. The natives of New Netherland are found to be very 
well disposed so long as no injury is done them. But if any 
wrong be committed against them they remember it long, and 
should any one against whom they have a grudge be peaceably 
walking in the woods or hunting, even after a long lapse of 
time, they will slay him, though they are sure it will cost them 
their lives on the spot, so highly prized is vengeance among 
them. . . . 

In our previous discourses, mention is made of New 
Netherland. Here is additional information: On further 
enquiry it is found, that they have a chief in time of war, 
named a Sacjama, 1 but above him is a greater Sacjama (point- 
ing to Heaven) who rules the sun and moon. When they wage 
war against each other, they fortify their tribe or nation with 
palisades, serving them for a fort, and sally out the one against 
the other. They have a tree in the centre, on which they place 
sentinels to observe the enemy and discharge arrows. None 
are exempt in war, but the popes or priests, and the women, 
who carry their husbands' arrows and food. The meat they 
eat consists of game and fish; but the bread is cakes baked 
forefather's fashion, in the ashes; they almost all eat that, 
even in war. They are a wicked, bad people, very fierce in 
arms. Their dogs are small. When the worthy Lambrecht van 
Twenhuyzen 2 had once given the skipper a big dog, and it 
was brought to them on ship-board, they were very much afraid 
of it; calling it, also, a sachem of dogs, as being one of the 
biggest. The dog, tied with a rope on board, was very furious 
against them, they being clad like beasts with skins, for he 
thought they were wild animals; but when they gave him some 

1 Sachem. 

3 Lambrecht van Tweenhuyzen was one of the patentees of 1614. 


of their bread made of Indian corn, which grows there, he 
learned to distinguish them, that they were men. 

There are oaks of very close grain; yea, harder than any in 
this country, as thick as three or four men. There is a red 
wood which, being burned, smells very agreeably; when men 
si.t by the fire on benches made from it, the whole house is per- 
fumed by it. When they keep watch by night against their 
enemies, then they place it [the fire] in the centre of their huts, 
to warm their feet by it ; they do not sit, then, up in the tree, 
but make a hole in the roof, and keep watch there, to prevent 

Poisonous plants have been found there, which those who 
cultivate the land should look out for. Hendrick Christiaensen 
carried thither, by order of his employers, bucks and goats, 
also rabbits, but they were found to be poisoned by the herbs. 
The Directors intended to send thither this spring voyage 
[1625] a quantity of hogs which will be of great service to the 
colony; and cows, with young calves, as shall follow. 

Very large oysters, sea fish and river fish are in such great 
abundance there, that they cannot be sold; and in rivers so 
deep, as to be navigated upwards with large ships. 

The two lads brought hither by Adriaen Block were named 
Orson and Valentine. 1 This Orson was a thoroughly wicked 
fellow, and after his return to his own country was the cause 
of Hendrick Christiaensen's death. But he was paid in like 
coin; he got a bullet as his recompense. 

Chastity appears, on further enquiry, to hold a place among 
them, they being unwilling to cohabit with ours, through fear 
of their husbands. But those who are single, evince only too 
friendly a disposition. The common people fish everywhere. 
Whatever else is of value in the country, such as mines and 
other ores, shall by time and further exploration be made known 
to us. Much profit is to be expected from good management. 

1 After two characters in a famous old romance, twin sons of the Emperor of 
Constantinople, of whom Orson was carried off by a bear and reared in the forest 
as a savage. 


[Under July, 1625.] l 

At the same time arrived a small ship from New Netherland, 
mostly with furs. As far as good order is concerned, all goes 
well there. The vessels with the cattle had not yet got there; 
the crops which our colonists had planted, looked well, but 
there was no certain information thereof. The next will 
bring their owners good news. 

[Under November, 1625.] 2 

A ship came, at the same time, for the aforesaid Company 
from New Germany, 3 laden mostly with peltries, and had had a 
favorable voyage. The cattle carried thither were removed 
upwards to a convenient place abounding with grass and 
pasture. Only two animals died on the passage. This gave 
great satisfaction to the freighter, who had managed the trans- 
portation so neatly. 

[Under November, 1626.] 4 

In our preceding discourse mention was made of New Neth- 
erland and its colony planted by the West India Company, 
situate in Virginia on the river called by the French Montaigne, 
and by us Mauritius, and that some families were sent thither 
out of Holland, now increased to two hundred souls ; and after- 
wards some ships, one with horses, the other with cows, and the 
third with hay; two months afterwards a fly-boat was equipped 
carrying sheep, hogs, wagons, ploughs and all other implements 
of husbandry. 

1 From part ix. of Wassenaer, p. 123 verso; preface dated December 1, 1625. 

8 From part x., pp. 82 verso-83 recto (misnumbered 81 and 84 respectively); 
preface dated June 1, 1626. De Laet, Jaerlyck Verhael, app., p. 29, notes for 
1625, 5,295 beavers and 463 otters from New Netherland, sold for 35,825 guilders; 
for 1626, 7,258 beavers and 857 otters, etc., yielding 45,050 guilders; and still 
more in 1627, 1628, 1629 and 1630. 

* The margin has the reading " Nieu Nederlant." 

4 This passage is from part xn., pages erroneously numbered 39 verso, 38 
recto, 40 verso, 39 recto, 37 verso; preface dated June 14, 1627. 


These cattle were, on their arrival, first landed on Nut 
Island, three miles up the river, where they remained a day 
or two. There being no means of pasturing them there, they 
were shipped in sloops and boats to the Manhates, right oppo- 
site the said island. Being put out to pasture here, they 
throve well, but afterwards full twenty in all died. The 
opinion is, that they had eaten something bad from an unculti- 
vated soil. But they went in the middle of September [1625] 
to meadow grass, as good and as long as could be desired. 

The colony is now established on the Manhates, where a 
fort has been staked out by Master Kryn Frederycks, an 
engineer. It is planned to be of large dimensions. The ship 
which has returned home this month [November] * brings 
samples of all sorts of produce growing there, the cargo being 
7246 beaver skins, 675 otter skins, 48 mink, 36 wild cat, 
and various other sorts; many pieces of oak timber and hickory. 

The counting-house there is kept in a stone building, 
thatched with reed; the other houses are of the bark of trees. 
Each has his own house. The Director and Koopman 2 live 
together; there are thirty ordinary houses on the east side of 
the river, which runs nearly north and south. The Honorable 
Pieter Minuit is Director there at present; Jan Lempou schout] 
Sebastiaen Jansz. Crol and Jan Huych, comforters of the sick, 
who, whilst awaiting a clergyman, read to the commonalty 
there, on Sundays, texts of Scripture and the commentaries. 
Frangois Molemaecker is busy building a horse-mill, over which 
shall be constructed a spacious room sufficient to accommo- 

1 Peter Minuit of Wesel, sent out by the company as Director General of 
New Netherland, had arrived in the Meeuwken (Seamew) May 4, 1626, and 
presently bought Manhattan Island from the Indians for sixty guilders ($24). 
On July 27 arrived the Wapen van Amsterdam (Arms of Amsterdam), bringing the 
secretary, Isaac de Rasieres. This is the vessel mentioned above, for it sailed 
from Manhattan September 23 and arrived at Amsterdam November 4. A 
facsimile and a translation of a contemporary letter reporting the voyage to the 
States General may be seen in General Wilson's Memorial History of New 
York. I. 159, 160. 

3 Chief commercial agent of the company, acting also as secretary of the 
province. A schout or schout-fiscael, in a Dutch municipality of that time, was an 
officer whose functions combined those of an English sheriff and a public prose- 
cutor. The comforters or visitors of the sick were recognized officers of the 
Reformed Church in Holland. Huych is probably to^be identified with Jan 
Huygen, Minuit's brother-in-law, mentioned by Michaelius. 


date a large congregation, and then a tower is to be erected 
where the bells brought from Porto Rico will be hung. 1 

The council there administers justice in criminal matters as 
far as imposing fines, but not as far as corporal punishment. 
Should it happen that any one deserves that, he must be sent to 
Holland with his sentence. Cornelis May of Hoorn was the 
first Director there, in the year 1624; Willem van Hulst 2 was 
the second, in the year 1625. He returns now. Everyone there 
who fills no public office is busy about his own affairs. Men 
work there as in Holland ; one trades, upwards, southwards and 
northwards; another builds houses, the third farms. Each 
farmer has his farmstead on the land purchased by the Com- 
pany, which also owns the cows; but the milk remains to the 
profit of the farmer; he sells it to those of the people who 
receive their wages for work every week. The houses of the 
Hollanders now stand outside the fort, but when that is com- 
pleted, they will all repair within, so as to garrison it and be 
secure from sudden attack. 

Those of the South River will abandon their fort, 3 and come 
hither. At Fort Orange, the most northerly point at which the 
Hollanders traded, no more than fifteen or sixteen men will 
remain; the remainder will come down [to the Manhates]. 
Right opposite is the fort of the Maykans which they built 
against their enemies, the Maquaes, 4 a powerful people. 

It happened this year, that the Maykans, going to war with 
the Maquaes, requested to be assisted by the commander of 
Fort Orange and six others. Commander Krieckebeeck went 
up with them ; a league from the fort they met the Maquaes who 
fell so boldly upon them with a discharge of arrows, that they 
were forced to fly, and many were killed, among whom were 
the commander and three of his men. Among the latter was 
Tymen Bouwensz., whom they devoured, after having well 

1 This bark-mill, the first house of Christian worship on Manhattan Island, 
stood where now stand 32 and 34 South William Street. See "The Old Bark 
Mill," by J. H. Innes, in Federation, vol. III., no. 5. The bells alluded to were 
some of the nine captured at the sack of San Juan de Porto Rico, in October, 1625, 
by the Dutch West India Company's fleet under Admiral Boudewyn Hendricksz. 

2 Verhulst. 

8 Fort Nassau, near the present site of Gloucester, New Jersey. A post at 
Trenton was also abandoned. 
4 Mohawks. 


roasted him. The rest they burnt. The commander was 
buried with the other two by his side. Three escaped; two 
Portuguese and a Hollander from Hoorn. One of the Portu- 
guese was wounded by an arrow in the back whilst swimming. 
The Indians carried a leg and an arm home to be divided among 
their families, as a sign that they had conquered their enemies. 

Some days after the worthy Piete,r Barentsz, who usually 
was sent upwards and along the coast with the sloops, visited 
them; they wished to excuse their act, on the plea that they 
had never set themselves against the whites, and asked the 
reason why the latter had meddled with them; otherwise, they 
would not have shot them. 

There being no commander, Pieter Barentsen assumed the 
command of Fort Orange by order of Director Minuit. There 
were eight families there, and ten or twelve seamen in the 
Company's service. The families were to leave there this year 
the fort to remain garrisoned by sixteen men, without women 
in order to strengthen with people the colony near the 
Manhates, who are becoming more and more accustomed to 
the strangers. 

The natives are always seeking some advantage by thieving. 
The crime is seldom punished among them. If any one commit 
that offence too often he is stript bare of his goods, and must 
seek fresh means. The husband who abandons his wife with- 
out cause must leave all her goods; in like manner the wife the 
husband's. But as they love the children ardently, these are 
frequently the cause of their coming again together. The girls 
allow their hair to be shaved all around, like the priests, when 
they are unwell for the first time. They are set apart from all in 
a separate house, where food is furnished them on a stick. They 
remain therein until they are sick a second time. Then they 
make their appearance among their relatives again, and are 
caused to marry. They then again dress their hair, which 
before they may not touch. The married women let their hair 
grow to the waist and smear it with oil. When they are unwell 
they do not eat with their husbands, and they sup their drink 
out of the hand. The men let the hair grow on one side of the 
head into a braid; the rest is cut off. If one kill the other, it is 
not punished; whoever it concerns sets vengeance on foot; if 
not, nothing is done. In the month of August a universal 


torment seizes them, so that they run like men possessed, re- 
garding neither hedges nor ditches, and like mad dogs resting 
not till exhausted. They have in such men a singular sight. 
The birds most common are wild pigeons; these are so numerous 
that they shut out the sunshine. 

When the fort, staked out at the Manhates, will be com- 
pleted, it is to be named Amsterdam. The fort at the South 
River is already vacated, in order to strengthen the colony. 
Trading there is carried on only in yachts, in order to avoid 

The Sickenanes * dwell toward the North, between the 
Brownists and the Dutch. The chief of this nation has lately 
made an agreement with Pieter Barentsz. not to trade with any 
other than him. Jaques Elekes imprisoned him in the year 
1622 in his yacht and obliged him to pay a heavy ransom, 
or else he would cut off his head. He paid one hundred and 
forty fathoms of Zeewan, which consists of small beads they 
manufacture themselves, and which they prize as jewels. On 
this account he has no confidence in any one but this one 
[Barentsen] now. 

The Brownists, who live beyond them, are Englishmen, who 
removed thither by consent of the King. 2 They call them- 
selves Puritans, because they seek after purity in the Orthodox 
religion. They wished not to live in England; desiring not 
wealth, but merely necessaries and a moderate condition. 

The nations that come the longest distance from the north 
known to the traders, are the Indians from French Canada. 
Thereabout are the Orankokx, the Achkokx and others, 3 both 
men and women. On entering the river, if they bring women 
with them, it is a sign they come as friends; if they visit the 
yachts without these, every one must be on his guard. 

The belief of the Maikans regarding the departure of the 
soul is, that it goes up westward on leaving the body. There 
it meets with great rejoicing the others who have died previous- 
ly; there they all wear black otter or bear skins, which among 
them are signs of gladness. They have no desire to be with 
them. The Mahieu, captain of the Maykans, who is named 
Cat, is of the opinion that death comes from the Devil, who is 

1 Or Sequins, dwelling on the Connecticut River. 
The Pilgrims of New Plymouth. 3 1 cannot identify these names. 


evil. A skipper denying this, said, God had control over death. 
Thereupon he asked, if He being good had the power to give, 
or take away, life? And he was answered, Yea; which he 
could not understand, how this good God should inflict evil, 
that is death. But there was no one who gave him proper 
instruction; he therefore remained in his darkness. When 
they have a corpse, they place it, before it becomes rigid, squat 
on the heels, as children sit in this country before the fire ; and 
so they place it in the grave, sitting; its face to the east. 

It appears that the Sickanamers before mentioned, make a 
sort of sacrifice. They have a hole in a hill in which they place 
a kettle full of all sorts of articles that they either have by them, 
or can procure, as a part of their treasures. Then a snake 
comes in, then they all depart, and the Manittou, that is the 
Devil, comes in the night and takes the kettle away, according 
to the statement of the Koutsinacka, or devil-hunter, who 
presides over the ceremony. 

This Pieter Barentz., already spoken of, can understand all 
the tribes thereabout; he trades with the Sickenames, to whom 
the whole north coast is tributary; with the Zinnekox, Wap- 
penox, 1 Maquaes and Maikans, so that he visits all the tribes 
with sloops and trades in a friendly manner with them, only for 
peltries. And he brought back this year a valuable cargo in 
the ship the Arms of Amsterdam, whereof Adriaen Joris is skip- 
per, who went out there on the 19th of December of the year 
1625 with the ship the Sea-mew and conveyed Pieter Minuit 
aforesaid, who now sends for his wife thither. The Sea-mew 
arrived there 4th May, 1626. 

[Under October, 1628.] 3 

Two ships came from New Netherland for the benefit of the 
said [West India] Company, with ten thousand peltries, or 
skins, together with a large quantity of timber, fit for the 
building of the vessels which are shortly to be launched. 
Those ships were despatched by the commander there, called 

1 The Shinnecocks lived in the east part of Long Island; the Wappingers 
(Wapanachki) in the highlands on the east side of Hudson River. 

' From part xvi. of Wassenaer, p. 13; preface dated June 1, 1629. 


Minuict; one ship was the Three Kings, Skipper Jan Jacobsz. 
of Wieringhen; the other was the Arms of Amsterdam. 

The government over the people of New Netherland con- 
tinued on the 19th of August of this year in the aforesaid 
Minuict, successor to Verhulst. He went thither from Holland 
on January 9, Anno 1626, and took up his residence in the 
midst of a nation called Manates, building a fort there-, to be 
called Amsterdam, having four bastions and faced outside en- 
tirely with stone, as the ramparts crumbled away like sand, 
and are now to be more substantial. The population consists 
of two hundred and seventy souls, including men, women and 
children. They remained as yet without the fort, in no fear, as 
the natives live peaceably with them. They are situate three 
leagues from the sea, on the river by us called Mauritius, by 
others, Rio de Montagne. 

These strangers for the most part occupy their farms. 
Whatever they require is supplied by the Directors. The 
winter grain has turned out well there, but the summer grain 
which ripened before it was half grown in consequence of the 
excessive heat, was very light. The cattle sent thither have 
thriven well, and everything promises increase, as soon as the 
land is improved, which is full of weeds and poor. 

There are now no families at Fort Orange, situated higher 
up the river among the Maikans. They have all been brought 
down. Five or six and twenty persons, traders, remain there. 
Bastiaen Jansz Crol is vice-director there; who has remained 
there since the year 1626, when the others came down. 

Those of the West India Company have also removed all 
those who were at the South River. They retain only one 
vessel trading there. Traders who come from a great distance 
have lion skins which they will not barter, because being 
clothed in them they find them much warmer than others. 

Beyond the South River, in 37 degrees, 1 Englishmen are 
settled, freemen, but planted there by merchants on condition 
that they deliver as much tobacco to their masters as is agreed 
on; the remainder is their own. Considerable trade is carried 
on with them, and many ships come thither from England. 

On the north side are the English Brownists who maintain 

l l. e., in Virginia. 


themselves very well and are much resorted to, supporting 
their reputation bravely with the natives, whom they do not 
fear, having acted strictly with these from the first, and so 

In the beginning of this year, war broke out between the 
Maikans near Fort Orange and the Makuaes, but these beat 
and captured the Maikans and drove off the remainder who 
have settled towards the north by the Fresh River, so called; 1 
where they begin again to cultivate the soil; and thus the war 
has come to an end. 

[Under March, 1630.] 2 

After the Right Honorable Directors of the Chartered West 
India Company in the United Netherlands had provided 
everything for the defence of New Netherland and put every- 
thing there in good order, they taking into consideration the 
advantages of said place, the favorable nature of the air and 
soil, and that considerable trade and goods and many com- 
modities may be obtained from thence, sent some free emigrants 
thither with all sorts of cattle and implements necessary for 
agriculture, so that in the year 1628 there already resided on 
the island of the Manhattes two hundred and seventy souls, 
men, women and children, under Governor Minut, Verhulst's 
successor, and lived there in peace with the natives. But as 
the land, being extensive and in many places full of weeds 
and wild growth, could not be properly cultivated in conse- 
quence of the scantiness of the population, the said Directors 
of the West India Company, the better to people their lands, 
and to bring the country to produce more abundantly, resolved 
to grant divers Privileges, Freedoms and Exemptions to all 
patroons, masters or individuals who should plant any colonies 
and cattle in New Netherland, and they accordingly have 
constituted and published in print these following exemptions, 
to afford better encouragement and infuse greater zeal into 
whosoever should be inclined to reside and plant his colony in 
New Netherland. 

1 Connecticut. ' From part xvin., p. 94. 


Privileges and Exemptions for Patroons, Masters and Private 
Individuals, who will Settle any Colonies and Cattle in 
New Netherland, resolved upon for the Service of the General 
West India Company in New Netherland, and for the 
Benefit of the Patroons, Masters and Individuals. 1 

I. Such participants in the said Company as may be inclined to 
settle any colonies in New Netherland, shall be permitted to send in 
the ships of this Company going thither, three or four persons to 
inspect the situation of the country, provided that they, with the 
officers and ship's company, swear to the articles, so far as they relate 
to them, and pay for provisions and for passage, going and coming, 
six stivers 2 per diem (and such as desire to eat in the cabin, twelve 
stivers); and undertake to be subordinate and give assistance like 
others, in cases offensive and defensive; and if any ships be taken 
from the enemy, they shall receive, pro rata, their proportions with the 
ship's company, each according to his quality; that is to say, the 
colonists eating out of the cabin shall be rated with the sailors, and 
those who eat in the cabin with those of the Company's people who 
eat at table and receive the lowest wages. 

II. Nevertheless in this respect shall be preferred such persons as 
have first appeared and desired the same from the Company. 

III. All such shall be acknowledged patroons of New Netherland 
who shall undertake, within the space of four years next after they 
have given notice to any of the chambers of the Company here, or to 
the commander or council there, to plant a colony there of fifty souls, 
upwards of fifteen years old; one-fourth part within one year, and 
within three years after the sending of the first, making together four 
years, the remainder, to the full number of fifty persons, to be shipped 
from hence, on pain, in case of manifest neglect, of being deprived 
of the privileges obtained ; but it is to be observed that the Company 
reserve the island of the Manhattes to themselves. 

1 This document, so important in New Netherland history as the foundation 
of the system of patroonships, was printed in 1630 by the West India Company as 
a pamphlet; a faosimile of the title-page is given on the opposite page of this 
volume. The document was also printed by Wassenaer, part xvm., pp. 94 recto- 
98 verso. Mr. van Laer prints the Dutch text and an excellent English translation 
in Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, pp. 136-153. The present translation had 
been made by correcting, with the aid of the original Dutch, the version printed 
in N. Y. Col. Doc., II. 553-557. Mr. van Laer's translation then arriving a few 
improvements were borrowed from it. 

3 The stiver was a twentieth part of a guilder, or two cents. 

J3p DC Hersabertns&e ban 

DC $ eg entDtene feattDe <Z5eoctropeerDe 

fl: IntJtfeije Compacjmctoetguntam alien 

tmtflljenen /die eentgtje Colonten m 
t fullen planten* 

Jn het licht gheghevetu 

Om bekent te maken wat Profijccn ende Voordeelen 

aidaer in Nieu-Nederlandt , voorde Coloniers ende der 

felver Patroonen ende Meefters , midcfgadersde 

Participanten , die de Colonien aidaer 

planten s zijn becomen, 



Mittenlanfz Brandt ^oecfttteccooper/uidottentie 6p, 



VII. There shall likewise be granted to all patroons who shall 
desire the same, venia testandi, or liberty to dispose of their aforesaid 
heritage by testament. 

VIII. The patroons may make use of all lands, rivers and woods 
lying contiguous to their property, until this Company, or other pa- 
troons or private persons, shall take possession of them. 

IX. Those who shall send persons over to settle colonies shall 
furnish them with proper instructions in order that they may be ruled 
and governed conformably to the rule of government made, or to be 
made, by the Board of the Nineteen, 1 as well in the political as in the 
judicial government; which instructions they shall be obliged first 
to lay before the directors of the respective chambers. 

X. The patroons and colonists shall be privileged to send all their 
people and effects thither in ships belonging to the Company, provided 
they take the oath, and pay the Company for bringing over the people, 
as mentioned in the first article; and for freight of the goods, five per 
cent, ready money, to be reckoned on the prime cost of the goods 
here, in which are, however, not to be included such cattle and imple- 
ments as are necessary for the cultivation and improvement of the 
lands, which the Company are to carry over for nothing, if there is 
room in their ships. But the patroons shall, at their own expense, 
provide and make places for them, together with everything necessary 
for the support of the cattle. 

XI. But in case it should not suit the Company to send any ships, 
or there should be no room in those sailing thither, then in such case 
the said patroons, after having communicated their intentions, and 
after having obtained consent from the Company in writing, may 
send their own ships or vessels thither; provided that, in going or 
coming, they go not out of their ordinary course, giving security to 
the Company for the same and taking on board an assistant, 2 to be 
victualled by the patroons, and paid his monthly wages by the Com- 
pany, on pain, for doing the contrary, of forfeiting all the right and 
property they have obtained to the colony. 

XII. And inasmuch as it is the intention of the Company to people 
the island of the Manhattes first, all fruits and wares that are produced 
on the North River and lands lying thereabout shall, for the present, 
be brought there before being sent elsewhere, excepting such as are, 
from their nature, unnecessary there, or such as cannot, without great 
loss to the owners thereof, be brought there ; in which case the owners 
thereof shall be obliged to give timely notice in writing of the difficulty 
attending the same to the Company here, or the commander and 

1 The governing board of the Dutch West India Company. 
a Supercargo. 



council there, that provision may be made in respect to them as the 
necessity thereof shall be found to require. 

XIII. All patroons of the colonies in New Netherland, and also 
colonies on the island of the Manhattes shall be at liberty to sail and 
traffic all along the coast, from Florida to Newfoundland, provided 
that they do again return with all such goods as they shall get in trade 
to the island of the Manhattes, and pay five per cent, duty to the 
Company, in order that, if possible, after the necessary inventory of 
the goods shipped be taken, the same may be sent hither. And if it 
should so happen that they could not return, by reason of contrary 
currents or otherwise, in such case such goods shall not be brought to 
any other place but to these dominions, in order that, under the in- 
spection of the directors, at the place where they may arrive, they may 
be unladen, an inventory made, and the aforesaid duty of five per cent, 
paid to the Company here, on pain, if they do the contrary, of the 
forfeiture of their goods so trafficked for, or the true value thereof. 

XIV. In case the ships of the patroons, in going to, or coming 
from, or sailing on the coast from Florida to Newfoundland, and no 
further, within the bounds of our grant, should overpower any prizes 
of the enemy, they shall be obliged to bring, or cause to be brought, 
such prize to the chamber of the place from whence they sailed out, 
in order that that chamber may obtain its profits from it; the Com' 
pany shall keep the one-third part thereof, and the remaining two- 
thirds shall belong to them, in consideration of the cost and risk they 
have been at, all according to the orders of the Company. 

XV. It shall be also free for the aforesaid patroons to traffic and 
trade all along the coast of New Netherland and places circumjacent, 
with such goods as they have acquired there, and receive in return for 
them all sorts of merchandise that may be had there, except beavers, 
otters, minks, and all sorts of peltry, which trade the Company reserve 
to themselves. But the same shall be permitted at such places where 
the Company have no factories, on condition that such traders shall be 
obliged to bring all the peltry they may obtain to the island of the 
Manhattes, if it is at all practicable, and there deliver to the Director, 
to be by him shipped hither with the ships and goods; or, if they 
should come here without going there, then to unload them with notice 
to the Company, and the making of a proper inventory, in order that 
they may pay to the Company one guilder for each merchantable 
beaver and otter skin ; the retailing, risk and all other charges remain- 
ing on the account of the patroons or owners. 

XVI. All coarse wares that the colonists of the patroons there 
shall produce, such as pitch, tar, potash, wood, grain, fish, salt, lime- 
stone and such like things, shall be conveyed in the Company's ships, 
at the rate of eighteen guilders per last, four thousand weight to be 


accounted a last; and the Company's ship's crews shall be obliged 
to wheel and bring the salt on board, whereof ten lasts make a hun- 
dred. And, in case of the lack of ships, or of room in the ships, they 
may order it over, at their own cost, in ships of their own, and enjoy 
in these dominions such liberties and benefits as have been granted to 
the Company; but in either case they shall be obliged to pay, over and 
above the duty of five per cent., eighteen guilders for each hundred of 
salt that is carried over in the Company's ships. 

XVII. For all wares which are not mentioned in the foregoing 
article, and which are not carried by the last, there shall be paid one 
dollar for each hundred pounds weight; and for wines, brandies, 
verjuice and vinegar, there shall be paid eighteen guilders per cask. 

XVIII. The Company promises the colonists of the patroons that 
they shall be free from customs, tolls, excise, imposts or any other 
contributions for the space of ten years; and after the expiration of 
the said ten years, at the highest, such customs as the goods pay here 
at the present time. 

XIX. That they will not take from the service of the patroons any 
of their colonists, either man or woman, son or daughter, man- 
servant or maid-servant; and, though any of these should desire the 
same, they will not receive them, much less permit them to leave their 
patroons, and enter into the service of another, unless on consent 
obtained from their patroons in writing, and this for and during so 
many years as they are bound to their patroons; after the expiration 
whereof, it shall be in the power of the patroons to send hither all such 
colonists as will not continue in their service, and not to set them at 
liberty until then. And any colonist who shall enter into the service 
of another patroon, or shall, contrary to his contract, betake himself 
to freedom, we promise to do everything in our power to deliver the 
same into the hands of his patroon or attorney, that he may be pro- 
ceeded against according to the customs of this country, as occasion 
may require. 

XX. From all judgments given by the courts of the patroons for 
upwards of fifty guilders, there may be an appeal to the Company's 
commander and council in New Netherland. 

XXI. In regard to such private persons as on their own account, 
or others in the service of their masters here in less numbers than in 
case of patroons, shall be inclined to go thither and settle, they shall, 
with the approbation of the Director and Council there, be at liberty 
to take up and take possession of as much land as they shall be able 
properly to improve, and shall enjoy the same in full property either 
for themselves or masters. 

XXII. They shall have free liberty of hunting and fowling, as 
well by water as by land, generally, in public and private woods and 


rivers about their colonies, according to the orders of the Director 
and Council. 

XXIII. Whosoever, whether colonists of patroons for their pa- 
troons, or free persons for themselves, or others for their masters, 
shall discover any shores, bays or other fit places for erecting fisheries, 
or the making of salt ponds, they may take possession thereof, and 
begin to work on them as their own absolute property, to the exclusion 
of all others. And it is permitted that the patroons of colonists may 
send ships along the coast of New Netherland, on the cod fishery, and 
with the fish they catch may trade direct to Italy or other neutral 
countries, paying in such cases to the Company a duty of six guilders 
per last; and if they should come with their lading hither, they shall 
be at liberty, though they shall not, under pretext of this consent, or 
leave from the Company, carry any other goods to Italy on pain of 
punishment, at discretion, the Company being furthermore at liberty 
to put a supercargo on board each ship, as in the eleventh article. 

XXIV. In case any of the colonists shall, by his industry and dili- 
gence, discover any minerals, precious stones, crystals, marbles or 
such like, or any pearl fisheries, the same shall be and remain the 
property of the patroon or patroons of such colony, the discoverer 
being assigned such premium as the patroon shall beforehand have 
stipulated with his colonists by contract. And the patroons shall be 
exempt from the payment of duty to the Company for the term of 
eight years, and pay only for freight, to bring them over, two per cent., 
and after the expiration of the aforesaid eight years, for duty and 
freight, the one-eighth part of what the same may be worth here. 

XXV. The Company shall take all the colonists, as well free as 
those that are in service, under their protection, and them defend 
against all foreign and domestic wars and violence, with the forces 
they have there, as much as lies in their power. 

XXVI. Whosoever shall settle any colony out of the limits of the 
Manhattes island, shall be obliged to satisfy the Indians for the land 
they shall settle upon, and they may extend or enlarge the limits of 
their colonies if they settle a proportionate number of colonists thereon. 

XXVII. The patroons and colonists shall in particular, and in the 
speediest manner, endeavor to find out ways and means whereby they 
may support a minister and schoolmaster, that the service of God 
and zeal for religion may not be neglected among them, and they shall, 
at the first, provide a comforter of the sick there. 

XXVIII. The colonies that shall happen to lie on the respective 
rivers or islands (that is to say, each river or island for itself), shall be 
at liberty to appoint a deputy, who shall give information to the 
commander and council of that region, and further the interests of his 
colony, of which deputies there shall be one changed in every two 


years; and all colonies shall be obliged, at least once in every twelve 
months, to make exact report of their condition and of the lands 
thereabout to the commander and council there. 

XXIX. The colonists shall not be permitted to make any woollen, 
linen or cotton cloth, nor weave any other stuffs there, on pain of being 
banished, and as perjurers, to be punished, at discretion. 

XXX. The Company shall use their endeavors to supply the 
colonists with as many blacks as they can, on conditions hereafter to be 
made, in such manner, however, that they shall not be bound or held 
to do it for a longer time than they shall think proper. 

XXXI. The Company promise to finish the fort on the island of 
the Manhattes as soon as possible, and to put it in a posture of defence; 
and to cause these Privileges and Exemptions to be approved and 
confirmed by their High Mightinesses the Lords States General. 1 

By these means many persons have become inclined to 
repair thither and to plant their colonies there, so that it is 
hoped since the land itself is fruitful, and adapted if well 
cultivated to bring forth rye, wheat and other grains, as has 
now been demonstrated on various voyages, and since also 
good traffic can be carried on there in all sorts of peltries, which 
are plentiful there and fine that good profits may be expected 
thence for the Company and the colonists. 

1 This was done on June 7, 1629. Although the issue of these Privileges and 
Exemptions made better provision than had hitherto existed for local government 
and for agricultural occupation of the province by small independent proprietors, 
it also, in its provision for large manorial grants, transferred to the New World 
some undesirable features of the (modified) feudalism of the Netherlands; and 
by opening very profitable opportunities to directors and other rich members of 
the Company, tempted them to assume interests opposed to those of the Company 
and paved the way for much dissension between patroons and directors general. 
Forthwith Samuel Godyn and Samuel Blommaert secured a patroonship on the 
west side of Delaware Bay, other associates another on the east side, Michiel 
Pauw one which he called Pavonia, extending along the west side of the North 
River from the Narrows to Hoboken and including Staten Island. All these 
proved temporary. Kiliaen van Rensselaer established a great and more perma- 
nent patroonship, Rensselaerswyck, by securing broad lands on the west side, 
later extended to both sides of the Hudson, above and below Fort Orange. 



IN 1841 the state of New York commissioned John Romeyn 
Brodhead as agent to search the archives of Europe for ma- 
terials illustrating the colonial history of the state. Never 
did an American state send out a better record-agent. After 
four years of diligent search and labor he returned with eighty 
volumes of manuscript copies of documents procured in the 
Netherlands, France and England (sixteen of them from the 
Netherlands), which were subsequently published as the series 
entitled Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State 
of New York (commonly abbreviated, as in this book, N. Y. 
Col. Doc.). Little escaped his search, and little New Nether- 
land material not catalogued by him has since come into the 
archives of the kingdom of the Netherlands. But about 1847 
a deputy-librarian in the Royal Library at the Hague found, 
in a parcel of manuscripts recently bought, the original of the 
following letter, which contains what is, in one sense at least, the 
earliest description we have of New Netherland and its neigh- 
borhood from the pen of an eye-witness. The deputy-librarian 
at once sent a copy of the letter to Mr. Brodhead, who trans- 
lated it, and the translation was printed (1849) in the second 
volume of the second series of the Collections of the New York 
Historical Society, pp. 339-354. The translation here presented 
is a revision of this, made by Professor William I. Hull from 
the original, now preserved in the National Archives at the 
Hague. Unfortunately, of the sixteen pages of which the 
letter seems originally to have been composed, pp. 7-10 were 
missing from the manuscript when it was acquired, and are 
still missing. The letter has no date, but it was evidently 



written from memory after the writer's return to Holland. 
It may have been written in 1628, 1629 or 1630. In this un- 
certainty, we may properly place it before the letter of Domine 
Michaelius, because it relates to New Netherland at an earlier 
time than that of the latter's arrival. 

Most of what we know of Isaack de Rasieres, apart from 
his connection with New Netherland, is derived from a short 
communication by Mr. Rammelman Elsevier in the Navorscher, 
the Dutch " Notes and Queries, ' vol. XX. (1870). Rasieres 
was born in Middelburg in 1595. He had a brother who was 
a commercial agent in the service of the East India Company. 
In 1626, two or three months after Director Minuit, he came 
out to New Netherland as chief commercial agent for the 
company and secretary of the province. Governor Bradford 
of Plymouth, to whom he made a visit described in the ensuing 
letter and in Bradford's letter-book and History, describes him 
as " their upper commis or chief merchant, and second to the 
Governor, a man of a fair and genteel behavior; but soon after 
fell into disgrace amongst them, by reason of their factions." 
This must have happened at some time between November, 
1627, and September, 1630, when we find his successor 
officiating as secretary. 

In 1633 Rasieres married at Amsterdam the niece of one of 
the directors of the West India Company, and presently a 
certain group in that body attempted to make him governor 
of New Netherland in place of Wouter van T wilier. 1 Failing 
of this, Rasieres soon went to Brazil, where one of his sons was 
born in 1637, and another, who became a sea-captain in the 
company's service, in 1641. There he was in 1651; but in 
1669, when the second son was married in Amsterdam, the 
record reads, "parents departed to Barbados." There was a 
family legend that Isaack de Rasieres became governor of 

1 Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, p. 270. 


Samuel Blommaert (1583-1654), to whom the letter was 
written, probably soon after the writer's return from New 
Netherland, was a prominent merchant who, after early 
experiences in the East Indies, had settled down in Amsterdam 
in 1612, and was a director of the West India Company from 
1622 to 1629 and again from 1636 to 1642. In this latter period 
he was a salaried commissioner of Sweden in the Netherlands, 
and he had a prominent part in the Swedish colonizing of Dela- 
ware and in Minuit's expedition. His letters to the Swedish 
chancellor Oxenstjerna were published in 1908 by the Historical 
Society of Utrecht, but contain nothing as to Rasieres. 


Mr. Blommaert: 

As I feel myself much bound to your service, and in return 
know not how otherwise to recompense you than by this slight 
memoir, (wherein I have in part comprised as much as was in 
my power concerning the situation of New Netherland and its 
neighbors, and should in many things have been able to treat 
of or write the same more in detail, and better than I have now 
done, but that my things and notes, which would have been 
of service to me herein, have been taken away from me), 1 I 
will beg you to be pleased to receive this, on account of my 
bounden service, etc. 

On the 27th of July, Anno 1626, by the help of God, I 
arrived with the ship The Arms of Amsterdam, before the bay of 
the great Mauritse River, sailing into it about a musket shot 
from Godyn's Point, 2 into Coenraet's Bay; 3 (because there the 
greatest depth is, since from the east point there stretches out 
a sand bank on which there is only from 9 to 14 feet of water), 
then sailed on, northeast and north-northeast, to about half 
way from the low sand bank called Godyn's Point to the Ham- 
els-Hoofden, 4 the mouth of the river, where we found at half 
ebb 16, 17, 18 feet water, and which is a sandy reef a musket 
shot broad, stretching for the most part northeast and south- 
west, quite across, and, according to my opinion, having been 
formed there by the stream, inasmuch as the flood runs into 
the bay from the sea, east-southeast; the depth at Godyn's 
Point is caused by the tide flowing out along there with such 

Between the Hamels-Hoofden the width is about a cannon's 

1 It is not known how or why. * Sandy Hook. 3 Sandy Hook Bay. 
4 Narrows. The two islands mentioned next are Staten Island and Long 
Island. Fisher's Hook is Montauk Point. 



shot of 2,000 [yards]; the depth 10, 11, 12 fathoms. They are 
tolerably high points, and well wooded. The west point is an 
island, inhabited by from 80 to 90 savages, who support them- 
selves by planting maize. The east point is a very large island, 
full 24 leagues long, stretching east by south and east-southeast 
along the sea-coast, from the river to the east end of the 
Fisher's Hook. In some places it is from three to four leagues 
broad, and it has several creeks and bays, where many savages 
dwell, who support themselves by planting maize and making 
sewan, and who are called Souwenos and Sinnecox. 1 It is also 
full of oaks, elms, walnut and fir trees, also wild cedar and 
chestnut trees. The tribes are held in subjection by, and are 
tributary to, the Pyquans, hereafter named. 2 The land is in 
many places good, and fit for ploughing and sowing. It has 
many fine valleys, where there is good grass. Their form of 
government is like that of their neighbors, which is described 

The Hamels-Hoofden being passed, there is about a league 
width in the river, and also on the west side there is an inlet, 
where another river runs up about twenty leagues, 3 to the 
north-northeast, emptying into the Mauritse River in the 
highlands, thus making the northwest land opposite to the 
Manhatas an island eighteen leagues long. It is inhabited 
by the old Manhatans [M anhatesen] ; they are about 200 to 300 
strong, women and men, under different chiefs, whom they call 
Sackimas. This island is more mountainous than the other 
land on the southeast side of the river, which opposite to the 
Manhatas is about a league and a half in breadth. At the side 
of the before-mentioned little river, which we call "Achter 
Col," there is a great deal of waste reedy land; the rest is full 
of trees, and in some places there is good soil, where the savages 
plant their maize, upon which they live, as well as by hunting. 
The other side of the same small river, according to conjecture, 
is about 20 to 23 leagues broad to the South River, 4 in the 
neighborhood of the Sancicans, in so far as I have been able 

1 The Siwanoys lived near Pelham; the Shinnecocks at the east end of Long 

3 No doubt in the missing portion; the Pequots are apparently meant. 

8 The Kill von Kull and Hackensack or Passaic River, whose upper waters 
come near to the Hudson, though without emptying into it. * Delaware. 


to make it out from the mouths of the savages; but as they 
live in a state of constant enmity with those tribes, the paths 
across are but little used, wherefore I have not been able to 
learn the exact distance ; so that when we wish to send letters 
overland, they (the natives) take their way across the bay, and 
have the letters carried forward by others, unless one amongst 
them may happen to be on friendly terms, and who might 
venture to go there. 

The island of the Manhatas extends two leagues in length l 
along the Mauritse River, from the point where the Fort "New 
Amsterdam" is building. It is about seven leagues in circum- 
ference, full of trees, and in the middle rocky to the extent of 
about two leagues in circuit. The north side has good land in 
two places, where two farmers, each with four horses, would 
have enough to do without much clearing at first. The grass 
is good in the forest and valleys, but when made into hay is 
not so nutritious for the cattle as here, 2 in consequence of its 
wild state, but it yearly improves by cultivation. On the 
east side there rises a large level field, of from 70 to 80 morgens 
of land, 3 through which runs a very fine fresh stream; so that 
that land can be ploughed without much clearing. It appears 
to be good. The six farms, four of which lie along the River 
Hellgate, 4 stretching to the south side of the island, have at 
least 60 morgens of land ready to be sown with winter seed, 
which at the most will have been ploughed eight times. But 
as the greater part must have some manure, inasmuch as it is 
so exhausted by the wild herbage, I am afraid that all will not 
be sown; and the more so, as the managers of the farms are 
hired men. The two hindermost farms, Nos. 1 and 2, are the 
best; the other farms have also good land, but not so much, and 
more sandy; so that they are best suited for rye and buck- 

The small fort. New Amsterdam, commenced to be built, is 
situated on a point opposite to No ten Island; [the channel 
between] is a gun-shot wide, and is full six or seven fathoms 

1 In fact, nearly four leagues. 2 In Holland. 

8 A morgen is about two acres. 

4 1. e., East River. The West India Company's six farms lay east of the 
present Bowery, and extended from a fresh-water swamp occupying the site of the 
present Roosevelt and James Streets northward to Eighteenth or Twentieth Street. 


deep in the middle. This point might, with little trouble, be 
made a small island, by cutting a canal through Blommaert's 
valley, so as to afford a haven winter and summer, for sloops 
and ships; and the whole of this little island ought, from its 
nature, to be made a superb fort, to be approached by land only 
on one side (since it is a triangle), thus protecting them both. 1 
The river marks out, naturally, three angles; the most northern 
faces and commands, within the range of a cannon shot, the 
great Mauritse River and the land; the southernmost com- 
mands, on the water level, the channel between Noten Island 
and the fort, together with the Hellegat; the third point, 
opposite to Blommaert's valley, commands the lowland; the 
middle part, which ought to be left as a market-place, is a 
hillock, higher than the surrounding land, and should always 
serve as a battery, which might command the three points, if 
the streets should be arranged accordingly. 

Up the river the east side is high, full of trees, and in some 
places there is a little good land, where formerly many people 
have dwelt, but who for the most part have died or have been 
driven away by the Wappenos. 

These tribes of savages all have a government. The men 
in general are rather tall, well proportioned in their limbs, and 
of an orange color, like the Brazilians; very inveterate against 
those whom they hate ; cruel by nature, and so inclined to free- 
dom that they cannot by any means be brought to work; they 
support themselves by hunting, and when the spring comes, by 
fishing. In April, May, and June, they follow the course of 
these [the fish], which they catch with a drag-net they them- 
selves knit very neatly, of the wild hemp, from which the 
women and old men spin the thread. The kinds of fish which 
they principally take at this time are shad, but smaller than 
those in this country ordinarily are, though quite as fat, and 
very bony; the largest fish is a sort of white salmon, which is 
of very good flavor, and quite as large; it has white scales; 
the heads are so full of fat that in some there are two or three 
spoonfuls, so that there is good eating for one who is fond of 

1 7. e., both Fort Amsterdam and the little island itself. Blommaert's Vly was 
a low, damp depression running northeast and southwest about on the line of the 
present Broad Street. A ditch to drain it was constructed before 1643, and 
widened into a canal about 1657. 


picking heads. It seems that this fish makes them lascivious, 
for it is often observed that those who have caught any when 
they have gone fishing, have given them, on their return, to 
the women, who look for them anxiously. Our people also 
confirm this. . . . 

As an employment in winter they make sewan, which is an 
oblong bead that they make from cockle-shells, which they 
find on the sea-shore, and they consider it as valuable as we do 
money here, since one can buy with it everything they have ; 
they string it, and wear it around the neck and hands; they 
also make bands of it, which the women wear on the forehead 
under the hair, and the men around the body; and they are 
as particular about the stringing and sorting as we can be here 
about pearls. They are very fond of a game they call Sen- 
neca, played with some round rushes, similar to the Spanish 
feather-grass, which they understand how to shuffle and deal 
as though they were playing with cards; and they win from 
each other all that they possess, even to the lappet with which 
they cover their private parts, and so they separate from each 
other quite naked. They are very much addicted to promiscu- 
ous intercourse. Their clothing is [so simple as to leave the 
body] almost naked. In the winter time they usually wear a 
dressed deer skin; some have a bear's skin about the body; 
some a coat of scales; some a covering made of turkey feathers 
which they understand how to knit together very oddly, with 
small strings. They also use a good deal of duffel cloth, which 
they buy from us, and which serves for their blanket by night, 
and their dress by day. 

The women are fine looking, of middle stature, well pro- 
portioned, and with finely cut features; with long and black 
hair, and black eyes set off with fine eyebrows; they are of the 
same color as the men. They smear their bodies and hair with 
grease, which makes them smell very rankly; they are very 
much given to promiscuous intercourse. 

They have a marriage custom amongst them, namely: 
when there is one who resolves to take a particular person for 
his wife, he collects a fathom or two of sewan, and comes to the 
nearest friends of the person whom he desires, to whom he 
declares his object in her presence, and if they are satisfied 
with him ; he agrees with them how much sewan he shall give 


her for a bridal present; that being done, he then gives her 
all the Dutch beads he has, which they call Machampe, and 
also all sorts of trinkets. If she be a young virgin, he must 
wait six weeks more before he can sleep with her, during 
which time she bewails or laments over her virginity, which 
they call Collatismarrenitten; all this time she sits with a 
blanket over her head, without wishing to look at any one, or 
any one being permitted to look at her. This period being 
elapsed, her bridegroom comes to her; he in the mean time has 
been supporting himself by hunting, and what he has taken he 
brings there with him ; they then eat together with the friends, 
and sing and dance together, which they call Kintikaen. That 
being done, the wife must provide the food for herself and her 
husband, as far as breadstuffs are concerned, and [should 
they fall short] she must buy what is wanting with her sewan. 
For this reason they are obliged to watch the season for 
sowing. At the end of March they begin to break up the earth 
with mattocks, which they buy from us for the skins of beavers 
or otters, or for sewan. They make heaps like molehills, each 
about two and a half feet from the others, which they sow or 
plant in April with maize, in each heap five or six grains; in 
the middle of May, when the maize is the height of a finger or 
more, they plant in each heap three or four Turkish beans, 
which then grow up with and against the maize, which serves 
for props, for the maize grows on stalks similar to the sugar- 
cane. It is a grain to which much labor must be given, with 
weeding and earthing-up, or it does not thrive; and to this 
the women must attend very closely. The men would not 
once look to it, for it would compromise their dignity too much, 
unless they are very old and cannot follow the chase. Those 
stalks which are low and bear no ears, they pluck up in August, 
and suck out the sap, which is as sweet as if it were sugar-cane. 
When they wish to make use of the grain for bread or porridge, 
which they call Sappaen, they first boil it and then beat it 
flat upon a stone; then they put it into a wooden mortar, 
which they know how to hollow out by fire, and then they have 
a stone pestle, which they know how to make themselves, with 
which they pound it small, and sift it through a small basket, 
which they understand how to weave of the rushes before 
mentioned. The finest meal they mix with lukewarm water, 


and knead it into dough, then they make round flat little cakes 
of it, of the thickness of an inch or a little more, which they 
bury in hot ashes, and so bake into bread; and when these are 
baked they have some clean fresh water by them in which they 
wash them while hot, one after another, and it is good bread, 
but heavy. The coarsest meal they boil into a porridge, as is 
before mentioned, and it is good eating when there is butter 
over it, but a food which is very soon digested. The grain 
being dried, they put it into baskets woven of rushes or wild 
hemp, and bury it in the earth, where they let it lie, and go 
with their husbands and children in October to hunt deer, 
leaving at home with their maize the old people who cannot 
follow; in December they return home, and the flesh which 
they have not been able to eat while fresh, they smoke on the 
way, and bring it back with them. They come home as fat 
as moles. 

When a woman here addicts herself to fornication, and the 
husband comes to know it, he thrashes her soundly, and if he 
wishes to get rid of her, he summons the Sackima with her 
friends, before whom he accuses her; and if she be found guilty 
the Sackima commands one to cut off her hair in order that she 
may be held up before the world as a whore, which they call 
poerochque; and then the husband takes from her everything 
that she has, and drives her out of the house; if there be 
children, they remain with her, for they are fond of them be- 
yond measure. They reckon consanguinity to the eighth 
degree, and revenge an injury from generation to generation 
unless it be atoned for; and even then there is mischief enough, 
for they are very revengeful. 

And when a man is unfaithful, the wife accuses him before 
the Sackima, which most frequently happens when the wife 
has a preference for another man. The husband being found 
guilty, the wife is permitted to draw off his right shoe and left 
stocking (which they make of deer or elk skins, which they 
know how to prepare very broad and soft, and wear in the 
winter time); she then tears off the lappet that covers his 
private parts, gives him a kick behind, and so drives him out 
of the house; and then "Adam" scampers off. 

It would seem that they are very libidinous in this re- 
spect very unfaithful to each other; whence it results that they 


breed but few children, so that it is a wonder when a woman 
has three or four children, particularly by any one man whose 
name can be certainly known. They must not have inter- 
course with those of their own family within the third degree, 
or it would be considered an abominable thing. 

Their political government is democratic. They have a 
chief Sackima whom they choose by election, who generally 
is he who is richest in sewan, though of less consideration in 
other respects. When any stranger comes, they bring him to 
the Sackima. On first meeting they do not speak they 
smoke a pipe of tobacco; that being done, the Sackima asks: 
" Whence do you come?" the stranger then states that, and 
further what he has to say, before all who are present or choose 
to come. That being done, the Sackima announces his opinion 
to the people, and if they agree thereto, they give all together a 
sigh "He!" and if they do not approve, they keep silence, 
and all come close to the Sackima, and each sets forth his 
opinion till they agree; that being done, they come all to- 
gether again to the stranger, to whom the Sackima then an- 
nounces what they have determined, with the reasons moving 
them thereto. 

All travellers who stop over night come to the Sackima, 
if they have no acquaintances there, and are entertained by 
the expenditure of as much sewan as is allowed for that pur- 
pose; therefore the Sackimas generally have three or four 
wives, each of whom has to furnish her own seed-corn. 

The Sackima has his fixed fine of sewan for fighting and 
causing blood to flow. When any are [here four pages , at 
least, are missing in the original manuscript}. 

Coming out of the river Nassau, 1 you sail east-and-by-north 
about fourteen leagues, along the coast, a half mile from the 
shore, and you then come to "Frenchman's Point" at a small 
river where those of Patucxet have a house made of hewn oak 
planks, called Aptucxet, 2 where they keep two men, winter and 

1 Though De Laet gives the name "river or bay of Nassau" to Buzzard's Bay, 
and the same is plainly intended by the map in the Westindische Paskaert of 1621, 
De Rasieres apparently means Sakonnet River. 

3 Or Manomet, now improperly called Monument, at the north end of Buz- 
zard's Bay, where the Plymouth settlers had lately established a trading-post. 
See Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, in this series, p. 222. 


summer, in order to maintain the trade and possession. Here 
also they have built a shallop, in order to go and look after 
the trade in sewan, in Sloup's Bay and thereabouts, because 
they are afraid to pass Cape Mallabaer, and in order to avoid 
the length of the way; which I have prevented for this year 
by selling them fifty fathoms of sewan, because the seeking 
after sewan by them is prejudicial to us, inasmuch as they 
would, by so doing, discover the trade in furs; which if they 
were to find out, it would be a great trouble for us to maintain, 
for they already dare to threaten that if we will not leave off 
dealing with that people, they will be obliged to use other 
means; if they do that now, while they are yet ignorant how 
the case stands, what will they do when they do get a notion 
of it? ' 

From Aptucxet the English can come in six hours, through 
the woods, passing several little rivulets of fresh water, to New 
Plymouth, the principal place in the district Patucxet, so 
called in their patent from His Majesty in England. 2 

New Plymouth lies in a large bay to the north of Cape Cod, 
or Mallabaer, east and west from the said [north] point of the 
cape, which can be easily seen in clear weather. Directly before 
the commenced town lies a sand-bank, 3 about twenty paces 
broad, whereon the sea breaks violently with an easterly and 

1 These remarks, and the interesting description of New Plymouth which 
follows, are due to a visit which Rasieres paid to the colony in October, 1627. 
Friendly correspondence between the two colonies had begun in the preceding 
March, with a letter from Rasieres as secretary which Bradford translates in his 
History , pp. 223-225, and Bradford's reply, which is given there, and, with other 
letters, in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, III. 51-57. 
Among these is one which Rasieres wrote, on arriving at Frenchman's Point, "from 
aboard the bark Nassau, the 4th of October." 

3 "They came up with their barke to Manamete, to their house ther, in which 
came their Secretarie Rasier; who was accompanied with a noyse of trumpeters, 
and some other attendants; and desired that they would send a boat for him, for 
he could not travill so farr over land. So they sent a boat to Manonscussett, and 
brought him to the plantation, with the cheefe of his company. And after some 
few days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and some of them wente with 
him, and bought sundry of his goods. . . . But that which turned most to their 
profite, in time, was an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake. . . . Neither 
did the English of this plantation, or any other in the land, till now that they had 
knowledge of it from the Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was 
a commoditie of that worth and valew." Bradford, pp. 234, 235 of the edition in 
this series. 3 Plymouth Beach. 


east-northeasterly wind. On the north side there lies a small 
island * where one must run close along, in order to come before 
the town; then the ships run behind that bank and lie in a 
very good roadstead. The bay is very full of fish, [chiefly] of 
cod, so that the governor before named has told me that when 
the people have a desire for fish they send out two or three 
persons in a sloop, whom they remunerate for their trouble, 
and who bring them in three or four hours' time as much fish 
as the whole community require for a whole day and they 
muster about fifty families. 

At the south side of the town there flows down a small river 
of fresh water, very rapid, but shallow, which takes its rise 
from several lakes in the land above, and there empties into 
the sea; where in April and the beginning of May, there come 
so many shad from the sea which want to ascend that river, 
that it is quite surprising. This river the English have shut 
in with planks, and in the middle with a little door, which 
slides up and down, and at the sides with trellice work, through 
which the water has its course, but which they can also close 
with slides. 

At the mouth they have constructed it with planks, like an 
eel-pot, with wings, where in the middle is also a sliding door, 
and with trellice work at the sides, so that between the two 
[dams] there is a square pool, into which the fish aforesaid come 
swimming in such shoals, in order to get up above, where they 
deposit their spawn, that at one tide there are 10,000 to 12,000 
fish in it, which they shut off in the rear at the ebb, and close 
up the trellices above, so that no more water comes in ; then the 
water runs out through the lower trellices, and they draw out 
the fish with baskets, each according to the land he cultivates, 
and carry them to it, depositing in each hill three or four fishes, 
and in these they plant their maize, which grows as luxuriantly 
therein as though it were the best manure in the world. And 
if they do not lay this fish therein, the maize will not grow, so 
that such is the nature of the soil. 

New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east 
towards the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot 
of 800 feet long, leading down the hill; with a [street] crossing 

1 Saquish. 


in the middle, northwards to the rivulet and southwards to the 
land. 1 The houses are constructed of hewn planks, with gar- 
dens also enclosed behind and at the sides with hewn planks, 
so that their houses and court-yards are arranged in very good 
order, with a stockade against a sudden attack ; and at the ends 
of the streets there are three wooden gates. In the centre, on 
the cross street, stands the governor's house, before which is a 
square stockade upon which four patereros are mounted, so as 
to enfilade the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square 
house, with a flat roof, made of thick sawn plank, stayed with 
oak beams, upon the top of which they have six cannon, which 
shoot iron balls of four and five pounds, and command the 
surrounding country. The lower part they use for their 
church, where they preach on Sundays and the usual holidays. 
They assemble by beat of drum, each with his musket or fire- 
lock, in front of the captain's door; they have their cloaks on, 
and place themselves in order, three abreast, and are led by a 
sergeant without beat of drum. Behind comes the governor, 
in a long robe; beside him, on the right hand, comes the 
preacher with his cloak on, and on the left hand the captain 
with his side-arms, and cloak on, and with a small cane in his 
hand; and so they march in good order, and each sets his arms 
down near him. Thus they are constantly on their guard night 
and day. 

Their government is after the English form. The governor 
has his council, which is chosen every year by the entire 
community, by election or prolongation of term. In inherit- 
ances they place all the children in one degree, only the eldest 
son has an acknowledgment 2 for his seniority of birth. They 
have made stringent laws and ordinances upon the subject of 
fornication and adultery, which laws they maintain and enforce 
very strictly indeed, even among the tribes which live amongst 
them. They speak very angrily when they hear from the 
savages that we live so barbarously in these respects, and with- 
out punishment. Their farms are not so good as ours, because 
they are more stony, and consequently not so suitable for the 
plough. They apportion their land according as each has 
means to contribute to the eighteen thousand guilders which 

1 He reverses the actual bearings; and the street first mentioned was longer, 
1,150 feet. 2 A double share. 


they have promised to those who had sent them out; 1 whereby 
they have their freedom without rendering an account to any 
one; only if the King should choose to send a governor-general 
they would be obliged to acknowledge him as sovereign over- 
lord. The maize seed which they do not require for their own 
use is delivered over to the governor, at three guilders the 
bushel, who in his turn sends it in sloops to the north 2 for the 
trade in skins among the savages; they reckon one bushel 
of maize against one pound of beaver's skins; the profits are 
divided according to what each has contributed, and they are 
credited for the amount in the account of what each has to 
contribute yearly towards the reduction of his obligation. 
Then with the remainder they purchase what next they require, 
and which the governor takes care to provide every year. 
They have better sustenance than ourselves, because they have 
the fish so abundant before their doors. There are also many 
birds, such as geese, herons and cranes, and other small-legged 
birds, which are in great abundance there in the winter. 

The tribes in their neighborhood have all the same customs 
as already above described, only they are better conducted 
than ours, because the English give them the example of better 
ordinances and a better life; and who also, to a certain degree, 
give them laws, in consequence of the respect they from the 
very first have established amongst them. 

The savages [there] utilize their youth in labor better than 
the savages round about us: the young girls in sowing maize, 
the young men in hunting. They teach them to endure 
privation in the field in a singular manner, to wit: 

When there is a youth who begins to approach manhood, he 
is taken by his father, uncle, or nearest friend, and is conducted 
blindfolded into a wilderness, in order that he may not know 
the way, and is left there by night or otherwise, with a bow 
and arrows, and a hatchet and a knife. He must support 
himself there a whole winter with what the scanty earth fur- 
nishes at this season, and by hunting. Towards the spring 
they come again, and fetch him out of it, take him home and 

1 By the agreement of November 15, 1626, with the merchant adventurers, 
for which see Bradford, pp. 214-215. Rasieres roughly translates 1,800 into 
18,000 g. 

s To the Kennebec region, where the Plymouth people had a trading-post. 


feed him up again until May. He must then go out again 
every morning with the person who is ordered to take him in 
hand ; he must go into the forest to seek wild herbs and roots, 
which they know to be the most poisonous and bitter; these 
they bruise in water and press the juice out of them, which he 
must drink, and immediately have ready such herbs as will 
preserve him from death or vomiting; and if he cannot retain 
it, he must repeat the dose until he can support it, and until 
his constitution becomes .accustomed to it so that he can 
retain it. 

Then he comes home, and is brought by the men and 
women, all singing and dancing, before the Sackima; and if he 
has been able to stand it all well, and if he is fat and sleek, a 
wife is given to him. 

In that district there are no lions or bears, but there are 
the same kinds of other game, such as deers, hinds, beavers, 
otters, foxes, lynxes, seals and fish, as in our district of country. 
The savages say that far in the interior there are certain beasts 
of the size of oxen, having but one horn, which are very fierce. 
The English have used great diligence in order to see them, but 
cannot succeed therein, although they have seen the flesh and 
hides of them which were brought to them by the savages. 
There are also very large elks there, which the English have 
indeed seen. 

The lion skins which we sometimes see our savages wear 
are not large, so that the animal itself must be small; they are 
of a mouse-gray color, short in the hair and long in the claws. 

The bears are some of them large and some small; but the 
largest are not so large as the middle-sized ones which come 
from Greenland. Their fur is long and black and their claws 
large. The savages esteem the flesh and grease as a great 

Of the birds, there is a kind like starlings, which we call 
maize thieves, because they do so much damage to the maize. 
They fly in large flocks, so that they flatten the corn in any place 
where they alight, just as if cattle had lain there. Sometimes 
we take them by surprise and fire amongst them with hail- 
shot, immediately that we have made them rise, so that sixty, 
seventy, and eighty fall all at once, which is very pleasant 
to see. 


There are also very large turkeys living wild; they have 
very long legs, and can run extraordinarily fast, so that we 
generally take savages with us when we go to hunt them; for 
even when one has deprived them of the power of flying, they 
yet run so fast that we cannot catch them unless their legs are 
hit also. 

In the autumn and in the spring there come a great many 
geese, which are very good, and easy to shoot, inasmuch as 
they congregate together in such large flocks. There are two 
kinds of partridges; the one sort are quite as small as quails 
and the other like the ordinary kind here. There are also 
hares, but few in number, and not larger than a middle-sized 
rabbit ; and they principally frequent where the land is rocky. 

This, sir, is what I have been able to communicate to you 
from memory, respecting New Netherland and its neighbor- 
hood, in discharge of my bounden duty; I beg that the same 
may so be favorably received by you, and I beg to recommend 
myself for such further service as you may be pleased to com- 
mand me in, wherever you may find me. 

In everything your faithful servant, 





THE established church in the United Netherlands was the 
Reformed Church. Its polity was that of Geneva or of Presby- 
terianism. The minister and ruling or lay elders of the local 
church formed its consistory, corresponding to the Scottish or 
American kirk session. The next higher power, administrative 
or judicial, resided in the classis, consisting of all the ministers 
in a given district and one elder from each parish therein, and 
corresponding to the presbytery. It had power to license and 
ordain, install and remove ministers. Above this body stood 
the provincial synod, and above that the (occasional) national 
synods. In 1624 the synod of North Holland decreed that 
supervision over the churches in the East Indies should belong 
to the churches and classes within whose bounds were located 
the various " chambers" of the East India Company. The 
same rule was applied in the case of the West India Company's 
settlements. Under this rule the first minister sent out to 
New Netherland was placed under the jurisdiction of the Classis 
of Amsterdam, since the colony was under the charge of the 
Amsterdam Chamber. Many extracts from the minutes of 
that classis, and what remains of its correspondence with the 
ministers in New Netherland, are printed in the volumes pub- 
lished by the State of New York under the title Ecclesiastical 
Records, State of New York (six volumes, Albany, 1901-1905). 
From 1639, if not earlier, a committee of the classis, called 
"Deputati ad Res Exteras," was given charge of most of the 
details of correspondence with the Dutch Reformed churches 
in America, Africa, the East and foreign European countries. 

As mentioned by Wassenaer (p. 83 above), "comforters of 



the sick/ 7 who were ecclesiastical officers but not ministers, 
were first sent out to New Netherland. The first minister was 
Reverend Jonas Jansen Michielse, or, to employ the Latinized 
form of his name which he, according to clerical habit, was 
accustomed to use, Jonas Johannis Michaelius. Michaelius was 
born in North Holland in 1577, entered the University of Ley- 
den as a student of divinity in 1600, became minister at Nieuw- 
bokswoude in 1612 and at Hem, near Enkhuizen, in 1614. At 
some time between April, 1624, and August, 1625, he went out 
to San Salvador (Bahia, Brazil), recently conquered by the 
West India Company's fleet, and after brief service there to one 
of their posts on the West African coast. Returning thence, 
he was, early in 1628, sent out to Manhattan, where he arrived 
April 7. It is not known just when he returned to Holland, but 
he appears to have been under engagement for three years. 
In 1637-1638 we find the classis vainly endeavoring to send him 
again to New Netherland, but prevented by the Company, 
which had a veto upon all such appointments in its dominions. 
About half a century ago the following precious letter of 
Michaelius, describing New Netherland as it appeared in its 
earliest days to the eyes of an educated clergyman of the 
Dutch Church, was discovered in Amsterdam, and printed by 
Mr. J. J. Bodel Nijenhuis in the Kerk-historisch Ar chief, part i. 
An English translation of it, with an introduction, was then 
privately printed in a pamphlet by Mr. Henry C. Murphy, an 
excellent scholar in New Netherland history, who was at that 
time minister of the United States to the Netherlands. This 
pamphlet, entitled The First Minister of the Dutch Reformed 
Church in the United States (The Hague, 1858), was reprinted in 
1858 in Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of 
New York, II. 757-770, in 1881 in the Collections of the New 
York Historical Society, XIII, and in 1883, at Amsterdam, by 
Frederik Muller and Co., who added a photographic fac-simile 
of full size and a transcript of the Dutch text. In 1896 a 


reduced fac-simile of the original letter, with an amended trans- 
lation by Reverend John G. Fagg, appeared in the Year Book 
of the (Collegiate) Reformed Protestant Dutch Church of New 
York City, and also separately for private circulation, and in 
1901 the Dutch text with Reverend Mr. Fagg's translation 
was printed in Ecclesiastical Records, I. 49-68, which also con- 
tains (p. 336) a photographic fac-simile of the concluding portion 
of the manuscript. Another is in Memorial History, I. 166. 
The original is in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). 
Reverend Adrianus Smoutius, to whom the letter was addressed, 
was an ultra-Calvinist clergyman, who led a stormy life, but 
from 1620 to 1630 was a minister of the collegiate churches of 
Amsterdam, and as such a member of the classis under whose 
charge Michaelius served. 

For many years this letter of August 11, 1628, was supposed 
to be the earliest extant letter or paper written at Manhattan. 
But a letter of three days earlier was recently discovered, which 
Michaelius wrote on August 8 to Jan Foreest, a magistrate of 
Hoorn and secretary to the Executive Council (Gecommitteerde 
Raderi) of the States of the Province of Holland. This letter 
mentions epistles also sent to two clergymen in Holland and to 
the writer's brother. It was printed by Mr. Dingman Ver- 
steeg in Manhattan in 1628 (New York, 1904). All these letters 
were presumably prepared to be sent home on the same ship. 
The two which are extant parallel each other to a large extent. 
That which follows, though second in order of time, is intrin- 
sically a little more interesting than the other. Mr. Fagg's 
translation has in the main been followed. 



The Reverend, Learned and Pious Mr. Adrianus Smoutius, 
Faithful Minister of the Holy Gospel of Christ in his 
Church y dwelling upon the Heerengracht, not far from the 
West India House at Amsterdam. By a friend, whom God 

The Peace of Christ to You. 

Reverend Sir, Well Beloved Brother in Christ, Kind Friend! 

THE favorable opportunity which now presents itself of 
writing to your Reverence I cannot let pass, without embracing 
it, according to my promise. And, first to unburden myself 
in this communication of a sorrowful circumstance, it pleased 
the Lord, seven weeks after we arrived in this country, to take 
from me my good partner, who had been to me, for more than 
sixteen years, a virtuous, faithful, and altogether amiable yoke- 
fellow; and I now find myself alone with three children, 1 very 
much discommoded, without her society and assistance. But 
what have I to say? The Lord himself has done this, against 
whom no one can oppose himself. And why should I even 
wish to, knowing that all things must work together for good 
to them that love God? I hope therefore to bear my cross 
patiently, and by the grace and help of the Lord, not to let 
the courage fail me which in my duties here I so especially 

The voyage was long, namely, from the 24th of January till 
the 7th of April, when we first set foot upon land here. Of 
storm and tempest which fell hard upon the good wife and 
children, though they bore it better as regards sea-sickness and 

1 Two daughters and a son, Jan, whom he had placed in the house and 
custody of skipper Jan Jansen Brouwer. 



fear than I had expected, we had no lack, particularly in the 
vicinity of the Bermudas and the rough coasts of this country. 
Our fare in the ship was very poor and scanty, so that my 
blessed wife and children, not eating with us in the cabin, on 
account of the little room in it, had a worse lot than the sailors 
themselves; and that by reason of a wicked cook who annoyed 
them in every way; but especially by reason of the captain 
himself, 1 who, although I frequently complained of it in the 
most courteous manner, did not concern himself in the least 
about correcting the rascal; nor did he, even when they were 
all sick, give them anything which could do them any good, 
although there was enough in the ship : as he himself knew very 
well where to find it in order, out of meal times, to fill his own 
stomach. All the relief which he gave us, consisted merely in 
liberal promises, with a drunken head; upon which nothing 
followed when he was sober but a sour face; and he raged at 
the officers and kept himself constantly to the wine, both at 
sea and especially here while lying in the river; so that he 
daily walked the deck drunk and with an empty head, seldom 
coming ashore to the Council and never to Divine service. 
We bore all with silence on board the ship ; but it grieves me, 
when I think of it, on account of my wife ; the more, because 
she was so situated as she was believing that she was with 
child and the time so short which she had yet to live. On 
my first voyage I roamed about with him a great deal, even 
lodged in the same hut, but never knew that he was such a 
brute and drunkard. But he was then under the direction of 
Mr. Lam, 2 and now he had the chief command himself. I have 
also written to Mr. Godyn 3 about it, considering it necessary 
that it should be known. 

Our coming here was agreeable to all, and I hope, by the 
grace of the Lord, that my service will not be unfruitful. The 
people, for the most part, are rather rough and unrestrained, 
but I find in almost all of them both love and respect towards 
me; two things with which hitherto the Lord has everywhere 

1 "Evert Croeger, with whom, prior to this, I had made long voyages, but 
never before did I know him well." Letter of August 8 to Jan Foreest. 

* Admiral Jan Dirckszoon Lam, who in 1625 and 1626 was in command of a 
Dutch squadron on the west coast of Africa. 

3 Probably Samuel Godyn, a prominent director of the company. 


graciously blessed my labors, and which in our calling, as 
your Reverence well knows and finds, are especially desirable, 
in order to make our ministry fruitful. 

From the beginning we established the form of a church; 
and as Brother Bastiaen Crol * very seldom comes down from 
Fort Orange, because the directorship of that fort and the trade 
there is committed to him, it has been thought best to choose 
two elders for my assistance and for the proper consideration 
of all such ecclesiastical matters as might occur, intending the 
coming year, if the Lord permit, to let one of them retire, and 
to choose another in his place from a double number first 
lawfully proposed to the congregation. One of those whom 
we have now chosen is the Honorable Director 2 himself, and 
the other is the storekeeper of the Company, Jan Huygen, 3 
his brother-in-law, persons of very good character, as far as I 
have been able to learn, having both been formerly in office in 
the Church, the one as deacon, and the other as elder in the 
Dutch and French churches, respectively, at Wesel. 4 

At the first administration of the Lord's Supper which was 
observed, not without great joy and comfort to many, we had 
fully fifty communicants Walloons and Dutch; of whom, a 
portion made their first confession of faith before us, and others 
exhibited their church certificates. Others had forgotten to 
bring their certificates with them, not thinking that a church 
would be formed and established here ; and some who brought 

1 Sebastian Janszoon Krol came out to New Netherland in 1626 as a "com- 
forter of the sick" at Manhattan, but before long went up to Fort Orange, where 
he was chief agent for the company most of the time to March, 1632. Then, 
on Minuit's recall, he was director-general till Wouter van Twiller's arrival in 
April, 1633. 

2 Peter Minuit, born of Huguenot parentage in 1580 in Wesel, west Germany, 
was made director general of New Netherland in December, 1625, arrived in 
May, 1626, bought Manhattan Island of the Indians that summer, and remained 
in office till recalled early in 1632. In 1636-1637 he made arrangements with 
Blommaert and the Swedish government, in consequence of which he conducted 
the first Swedish colony to Delaware Bay, landing there in the spring of 1638, and 
establishing New Sweden on territory claimed by the Dutch. During the ensuing 
summer he perished in a hurricane at St. Christopher, in the West Indies. 

3 Probably the same as Jan Huych, comforter of the sick, mentioned on 
p. 83. 

4 Jan Huyghens was deacon of the Dutch Reformed church at Wesel in 1612; 
and probably Minuit was elder in the French church there, 


them, had lost them unfortunately in a general conflagration, 
but they were admitted upon the satisfactory testimony of 
others to whom they were known, and also upon their daily 
good deportment, since one cannot observe strictly all the 
usual formalities in making a beginning under such circum- 

We administer the Holy Supper of the Lord once in four 
months, provisionally, until a larger number of people shall 
otherwise require. The Walloons and French have no service 
on Sundays, otherwise than in the Dutch language, for those 
who understand no Dutch are very few. A portion of the Wal- 
loons are going back to the Fatherland, either because their 
years here are expired, or else because some are not very 
serviceable to the Company. Some of them live far away and 
could not well come in time of heavy rain and storm, so that 
they themselves cannot think it advisable to appoint any 
special service in French for so small a number, and that upon 
an uncertainty. Nevertheless, the Lord's Supper is ad- 
ministered to them in the French language, and according to 
the French mode, with a sermon preceding, which I have before 
me in writing, so long as I can not trust myself extemporane- 
ously. 1 If in this and in other matters your Reverence and the 
Reverend Brethren of the Consistory, who have special super- 
intendence over us here, deem it necessary to administer to us 
any correction, instruction or good advice, it will be agreeable 
to us and we shall thank your Reverence therefor; since we 
must all have no other object than the glory of God in the 
building up of his kingdom and the salvation of many souls. 
I keep myself as far as practicable within the pale of my calling, 
wherein I find myself sufficiently occupied. And although our 
small consistory embraces at the most when Brother Crol 
is down here not more than four persons, all of whom, myself 
alone excepted, have also public business to attend to, I still 
hope to separate carefully the ecclesiastical from the civil mat- 
ters which occur, so that each one will be occupied with his own 

And though many things are mixti generis, and political and 
ecclesiastical persons can greatly assist each other, nevertheless 

1 That is, to preach extempore in French, 


the matters and officers proceeding together must not be mixed 
but kept separate, in order to prevent all confusion and dis- 
order. As the Council of this place consists of good people, 
who are, however, for the most part simple and have little ex- 
perience in public affairs, I should have little objection to serve 
them in any difficult or dubious affair with good advice, pro- 
vided I considered myself capable and my advice should be 
asked; in which case I suppose that I should not do amiss 
nor be suspected by any one of being a TroXinrpdy^v or 

In my opinion it would be well that the Honorable Direct- 
ors should furnish this place with plainer and more precise 
instructions to the rulers, that they may distinctly know how 
to conduct themselves in all possible public difficulties and 
events; and also that I should some time have here all such 
Ada Synodalia, as have been adopted in the synods of Hol- 
land; both the special ones of our quarter, 2 and those which 
are provincial and national, in relation to ecclesiastical dif- 
ficulties; or at least such of them as in the judgment of the 
Honorable Brethren at Amsterdam would be most likely to 
be of service to us here. In the meantime, I hope matters will 
go well here, if only on our part we do our best in all sincerity 
and honest zeal; whereunto I have from the first entirely de- 
voted myself, and wherein I have also hitherto, by the grace of 
God, had no just cause to complain of any one. And if any 
dubious matters of importance come before me, and especially 
if they will admit of any delay, I shall refer myself to the good 
and prudent advice of the Honorable Brethren, to whom I have 
already wholly commended myself. 

As to the natives of this country, I find them entirely 
savage and wild, strangers to all decency, yea, uncivil and 
stupid as garden poles, proficient in all wickedness and godless- 
ness; devilish men, who serve nobody but the Devil, that is, the 
spirit which in their language they call Menetto; under which 
title they comprehend everything that is subtle and crafty and 

1 1 Peter iv. 15; a meddler or "busy-body in other men's matters." 

2 7. ., acts of the synod of North Holland. North Holland was not at this 
time a province, but merely a part of the province of Holland, the chief of the seven 
United Provinces. The national Ada would probably be those of the six funda- 
mental synodical conventions of 1568-1586 and the Synod of Dort. 


beyond human skill and power. They have so much witch- 
craft, divination, sorcery and wicked arts, that they can hardly 
be held in by any bands or locks. They are as thievish and 
treacherous as they are tall; and in cruelty they are altogether 
inhuman, more than barbarous, far exceeding the Africans. 1 

I have written concerning this matter to several persons 
elsewhere, not doubting that Brother Crol will have written 
sufficient to your Reverence, or to the Honorable Directors; 
as also of the base treachery and the murders which the 
Mohicans, at the upper part of this river, had planned against 
Fort Orange, but which failed through the gracious interposi- 
tion of the Lord, for our good who, when it pleases Him, 
knows how to pour, unexpectedly, natural impulses into these 
unnatural men, in order to prevent them. How these people 
can best be led to the true knowledge of God and of the Media- 
tor Christ, is hard to say. I cannot myself wonder enough 
who it is that has imposed so much upon your Reverence and 
many others in the Fatherland, concerning the docility of these 
people and their good nature, the proper prindpia religionis 
and vestigia legis naturae which are said to be among them; in 
whom I have as yet been able to discover hardly a single good 
point, except that they do not speak so jeeringly and so 
scoffingly of the godlike and glorious majesty of their Creator 
as the Africans dare to do. But it may be because they have 
no certain knowledge of Him, or scarcely any. If we speak to 
them of God, it appears to them like a dream; and we are com- 
pelled to speak of him, not under the name of Menetto, whom 
they know and serve for that would be blasphemy but of 
one great, yea, most high, Sackiema, by which name they 
living without a king call him who has the command over 
several hundred among them, and who by our people are 
called Sackemakers; and as the people listen, some will begin 
to mutter and shake their heads as if it were a silly fable; and 
others, in order to express regard and friendship for such a 
proposition, will say Orith (That is good). Now, by what means 
are we to lead this people to salvation, or to make a salutary 
breach among them? I take the liberty on this point of en- 
larging somewhat to your Reverence. 

1 He had served on the west coast of Africa; see the introduction. 


Their language, which is the first thing to be employed with 
them, methinks is entirely peculiar. Many of our common 
people call it an easy language, which is soon learned, but I am 
of a contrary opinion. For those who can understand their 
words to some extent and repeat them, fail greatly in the pro- 
nunciation, and speak a broken language, like the language of 
Ashdod. 1 For these people have difficult aspirates and many 
guttural letters, which are formed more in the throat than by 
the mouth, teeth and lips, to which our people not being ac- 
customed, make a bold stroke at the thing and imagine that 
they have accomplished something wonderful. It is true one 
can easily learn as much as is sufficient for the purposes of 
trading, but this is done almost as much by signs with the 
thumb and fingers as by speaking; and this cannot be done in 
religious matters. It also seems to us that they rather design 
to conceal their language from us than to properly communicate 
it, except in things which happen in daily trade; saying that 
it is sufficient for us to understand them in that; and then they 
speak only half sentences, shortened words, and frequently 
call out a dozen things and even more; and all things which 
have only a rude resemblance to each other, they frequently 
call by the same name. In truth it is a made-up, childish 
language ; so that even those who can best of all speak with the 
savages, and get along well in trade, are nevertheless wholly in 
the dark and bewildered when they hear the savages talking 
among themselves. 

It would be well then to leave the parents as they are, and 
begin with the children who are still young. So be it. But 
they ought in youth to be separated from their parents; yea, 
from their whole nation. For, without this, they would forth- 
with be as much accustomed as their parents to the heathenish 
tricks and deviltries, which are kneaded naturally in their 
hearts by themselves through a just judgment of God; so that 
having once, by habit, obtained deep root, they would with 
great difficulty be emancipated therefrom. But this separation 
is hard to effect. For the parents have a strong affection for 
their children, and are very loth to part with them; and 
when they are separated from them, as we have already had 

1 An allusion to Nehemiah xiii. 24 


proof, the parents are never contented, but take them away 
stealthily, or induce them to run away. Nevertheless, al- 
though it would be attended with some expense, we ought, by 
means of presents and promises, to obtain the children, with 
the gratitude and consent of the parents, in order to place them 
under the instruction of some experienced and godly school- 
master, where they may be instructed not only to speak, read, 
and write in our language, but also especially in the funda- 
mentals of our Christian religion; and where, besides, they 
will see nothing but good examples of virtuous living; but they 
must sometimes speak their native tongue among themselves 
in order not to forget it, as being evidently a principal means 
of spreading the knowledge of religion through the whole nation. 
In the meantime we should not forget to beseech the Lord, 
with ardent and continual prayers, for His blessing; who can 
make things which are unseen suddenly and opportunely to 
appear; who gives life to the dead; calls that which is not as 
though it were ; and being rich in mercy has pity on whom He 
will; as He has compassionated us to be His people; and has 
washed us clean, sanctified us and justified us, when we were 
covered with all manner of corruption, calling us to the blessed 
knowledge of His Son, and out of the power of darkness to His 
marvellous light. And this I regard so much the more neces- 
sary, as the wrath and curse of God, resting upon this miserable 
people, is found to be the heavier. Perchance God may at 
last have mercy upon them, that the fulness of the heathen may 
be gradually brought in and the salvation of our God may be 
here also seen among these wild savage men. I hope to keep a 
watchful eye over these people, and to learn as much as possible 
of their language, and to seek better opportunities for their 
instruction than hitherto it has been possible to find. 

As to what concerns myself and my household affairs: I 
find myself by the loss of my good and helpful partner very 
much hindered and distressed for my two little daughters are 
yet small; maid servants are not here to be had, at least none 
whom they can advise me to take; and the Angola slave 
women * are thievish, lazy, and useless trash. The young man 

1 Slavery was introduced into New Netherland two or three years before this, 
a number of negroes, some of them from Angola, having been imported in 1625 or 


whom I took with me, I discharged after Whitsuntide, for the 
reason that I could not employ him out-of-doors at any working 
of the land, and in-doors he was a burden to -me instead of an 
assistance. He is now elsewhere at service among the farmers. 

The promise which the Honorable Directors of the Company 
had made me of some morgens or acres of land for me to sustain 
myself, instead of a free table which otherwise belonged to me, 
is void and useless. For their Honors well knew that there are 
no horses, cows, or laborers to be obtained here for money. 
Every one is short in these particulars and wants more. I 
should not mind the expense if the opportunity only offered, 
for the sake of our own comfort, although there were no profit 
in it (the Honorable Directors nevertheless remaining indebted 
to me for as much as the value of a free table), for refreshment 
of butter, milk, etc., cannot be here obtained; though some is 
indeed sold at a very high price, for those who bring it in or be- 
speak it are jealous of each other. So I shall be compelled to 
pass through the winter without butter and other necessities, 
which the ships do not bring with them to be sold here. The 
rations, which are given out here, and charged for high enough, 
are all hard stale food, such as men are used to on board 
ship, and frequently not very good, and even so one cannot 
obtain as much as he desires. I began to get considerable 
strength, by the grace of the Lord, but in consequence of this 
hard fare of beans and gray peas, which are hard enough, barley, 
stockfish, etc., without much change, I cannot fully recuperate 
as I otherwise would. The summer yields something, but 
what is that for any one who does not feel well ? The savages 
also bring some things, but one who has no wares, such as 
knives, beads, and the like, or seewan, cannot come to any 
terms with them. Though the people trade such things for 
proper wares, I know not whether it is permitted by the laws of 
the Company. I have now ordered from Holland almost all 
necessaries; and I hope to pass through the winter, with hard 
and scanty food. 

The country yields many good things for the support of life, 
but they are all too unfit and wild to be gathered. Better 
regulations should be established, and people brought here who 
have the knowledge and implements for seeking out all kinds 
of things in their season and for securing and gathering them. 


No doubt this will gradually be done. In the meanwhile, I 
wish the Honorable Directors to be courteously enquired of, 
how I can best have the opportunity to possess a portion of 
land, and (even at my own expense) to support myself upon it. 
For as long as there is no more accommodation to be obtained 
here from the country people, and I shall be compelled to order 
everything from the Fatherland at great expense and with 
much risk and trouble, or else live here upon these poor and 
hard rations alone, it will badly suit me and my children. We 
want ten or twelve more farmers with horses, cows and laborers 
in proportion, to furnish us with bread, milk products, and suit- 
able fruits. For there are convenient places which can be easily 
protected and are very suitable, which can be bought from the 
savages for trifling toys, or could be occupied without risk, be- 
cause we have more than enough shares which have never been 
abandoned but have been always reserved for that purpose. 

The business of furs is dull on account of the new war of the 
Maechibaeys l against the Mohicans at the upper end of this 
river. There have occurred cruel murders on both sides. The 
Mohicans have fled and their lands are unoccupied and are 
very fertile and pleasant. It grieves us that there are no 
people, and that there is no order from the Honorable Direc- 
tors to occupy the same. Much timber is cut here to carry to 
the Fatherland, but the vessels are too few to take much of it. 
They are making a windmill to saw lumber and we also have 
a gristmill. They bake brick here, but it is very poor. There 
is good material for burning lime, namely, oyster shells, in large 
quantities. The burning of potash has not succeeded; the 
master and his laborers are all greatly disappointed. 

We are busy now in building a fort of good quarry stone, 
which is to be found not far from here in abundance. May the 
Lord only build and watch over our walls. There is good 
opportunity for making salt, for there are convenient places, 
the water is salt enough, and there is no want of heat in summer. 
Besides, what the waters yield, both of the sea and rivers, in 
all kinds of fish; and what the land possesses in all kinds of 
birds, game, and woods, with vegetables, fruits, roots, herbs 
and plants, both for eating and medicinal purposes, and with 
which wonderful cures can be effected, it would take too long 

1 Mohawks. 


to tell, nor could I yet tell accurately. Your Reverence has 
already obtained some knowledge thereof and will be able to 
obtain from others further information. The country is good 
and pleasant, the climate is healthy, notwithstanding the sud- 
den changes of cold and heat. The sun is very warm, the 
winter is fierce and severe and continues fully as long as in our 
country. The best remedy is not to spare the wood, of 
which there is enough, and to cover one's self with rough skins, 
which can also easily be obtained. 

The harvest, God be praised, is in the barns, and is larger 
than ever before. There has been more work put on it than 
before. The ground is fertile enough to reward labor, but they 
must clear it well, and till it, just as our lands require. Until 
now there has been distress because many people were not very 
industrious, and also did not obtain proper sustenance for 
want of bread and other necessaries. But affairs are beginning 
to go better and to put on a different appearance, if only the 
Directors will send out good laborers and exercise all care that 
they be maintained as well as possible with what this country 

I had intended and promised [to write] to the Honorable 
Brethren, Rudolphus Petri, Joannes Sylvius and Domine 
Cloppenburg, who, with your Reverence, were charged with the 
superintendence of these regions; 1 but as this would take long 
and the time is short, and my occupations at the present time 
many, your Reverence will please to give my friendly and kind 
regards to their Reverences, and to excuse me, on condition 
that I remain their debtor to fulfill my promise God willing 
the next time. Be pleased also to give my sincere respects to 
the Reverend Domine Triglandius, and to all the Brethren of 
the Consistory * besides, to all of whom I have not thought it 
necessary to write particularly at this time, as they are made 
by me participants in these tidings, and are content to be fed 
from the hand of your Reverence. If it shall be convenient 
for your Reverence or any of the Reverend Brethren to write 
to me a letter concerning matters which might be important in 

1 This duty had been committed to them by the synod of North Holland. 
The preachers named in the text were all at this time active in Amsterdam; 
Sylvius and Triglandius since 1610, Petri since 1612, and Johannes Cloppenburg 
since 1621. Of Amsterdam. 


any degree to me, it would be very interesting to me, living 
here in a wild country without any society of our order, and 
would be a spur to write more assiduously to the Reverend 
Brethren concerning what may happen here. And especially 
do not forget rny hearty salutations to the beloved wife and 
brother-in-law of your Reverence, who have shown me nothing 
but friendship and kindness above my deserts. If there were 
anything in which I could in return serve or gratify your 
Reverence, I should be glad to do so, and should not be de- 
linquent in anything. 

Concluding then herewith, and commending myself to your 
Reverence's favor and to your holy prayers to the Lord, 

Reverend and Learned Sir, Beloved Brother in Christ, and 
Kind Friend: 

Heartily commending your Reverence and all of you to 
Almighty God, to continued health and prosperity, and to 
eternal salvation, by His Grace. 

From the island of Manhatas in New Netherland, this llth 
of August, Anno 1628, by me, your Reverence's very obedient 
servant in Christ, 




THE manuscript of the narrative which follows was found 
in Amsterdam in the summer of 1895 by General James Grant 
Wilson. "It consists/' he says, "of 32 pages of well-pre- 
served foolscap, which had been buried in a Dutch garret of 
Amsterdam for two hundred and sixty years." It is apparently 
identical with a journal which Mr. Nicolaas de Roever, late 
archivist of the city of Amsterdam, in his articles in Oud 
Holland on Kiliaen van Rensselaer and his colony of Rensse- 
laerswyck (articles lately translated in the Van Rensselaer 
Bowier Manuscripts), mentioned in 1890 as then existing among 
the papers of the original patroon. General Wilson published 
a translation of the journal in the Independent, XLVII. 1317, 
and again, with an introduction and notes, in the Annual 
Report of the American Historical Association for 1895, pp. 

The journal acquired by General Wilson was represented to 
have been written by Arent van Curler, afterwards a man of 
much distinction in the colony, especially in relations with the 
Indians, and it was printed as Van Curler's. But it has now 
been shown in the Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, pp. 78, 
390, that Van Curler first came out in 1637, a youth of eighteen. 
Upon the supposition that the second sentence read "came to 
our commissioners (or factors) Marten Gerritsen and me," and 
that therefore the author must be sought among the commis 
of the Dutch West India Company at Fort Orange, Mr. A. J. F. 
van Laer, the learned editor of that volume, has conjectured 
that the journal was written by Dirck Cornelisz Duyster, who 
was commis at the fort at about this epoch, But, as will be seen 



from the text below, the proper reading puts that word in the 
singular number, "came to our factor Marten Gerritsen and (to) 
me " ; phrases in the letters of Kiliaen van Rensselaer, moreover, 
seem to imply that Duyster was in Holland at the time of the 
journey. Yet the use of the word "our" indicates that the 
writer was in the employ of the Company, as Marten Gerritsen 
was, and not of the patroon. It is also evident that he was 
a man of education and some importance. In view of these 
circumstances Mr. van Laer is now inclined to believe that 
Harmen Meyndertsz van den Bogaert, the surgeon of the fort, 
was the author. 

Whoever the author may have been, the narrative has a 
high importance as presenting the first description of the life 
of the Iroquois by any man who had travelled among them. 
The writer and his companions made their way in the depth of 
winter through the country of the Mohawks and the Oneidas 
(though he calls them Senecas), and saw some of the Ononda- 
gas. As will be seen from the attempts made in the foot-notes 
to trace his route, he penetrated up the valley of the Mohawk 
River as far as the old castle of the Oneidas, or to a point mid- 
way between Utica and Syracuse. His " leagues" (Dutch 
myleri) are, it should be mentioned, short leagues, nearer two 
English miles than three, as would be natural to one making 
his way for the first time through the wilderness. 

Marten Gerritsen the factor had been one of Director van 
Twiller's council, and an early settler of Rensselaerswyck. 
Jeronimus de Lacroix is several times referred to in letters of 
the patroon Kiliaen van Rensselaer, 1634-1643, but not in 
such a way as to define his position. Of Willem Tomassen 
nothing seems to be known. 

The version which follows is a revision of the previous 
translation, made by Mr. S. G. Nissensen from the original 
manuscript, of which we were permitted to make use through 
the kindness of its present owner, Mr. W. A. White. 


Praise the Lord above all Fort Orange, 1634. 

December 11. JOURNAL kept of the principal events that 
happened during the journey to the Maquas and Sinnekens * 
Indians. First, the reasons why we went on this journey were 
these, that the Maquas and Sinnekens very often came to our 
factor [commis] Marten Gerritsen and me stating that there 
were French Indians in their land, and that they had made a 
truce with them so that they, namely, the Maquas, wished to 
trade for their skins, because the Maquas Indians wanted to 
receive just as much for their skins as the French Indians did. 
So I proposed to Mr. Marten Gerritsen to go and see if it was 
true, so soon to run counter to their High Mightinesses; and, 
besides, trade was doing very badly, therefore I went as above 
with Jero[ni]mus [de] la Croex and Willem Tomassen. May the 
Lord bless my voyage ! We went between nine and ten o'clock 
with five Maquas Indians, mostly northwest above eight leagues, 
and arrived at half-past twelve in the evening at a hunter's 
cabin, where we slept for the night, near the stream that runs 
into their land and is named Oyoge. 2 The Indians here gave 
us venison to eat. The land is mostly full of fir trees, and- the 
flat land is abundant. The stream runs through their land 

1 Mohawks and Senecas (Oneidas) . 

3 The Jesuit Father Jacques Bruyas, missionary to the Iroquois from 1667 
to 1700, gives Ohioge as meaning to or at the river, in his Radices Verborum Iro- 
quceorum (New York, 1863), or Iroquois dictionary; and this is probably the word 
intended above. The identification of the places mentioned by the narrator is 
in some cases insecure, partly because the Indians not infrequently moved their 
villages. The best aids are the Reverend Dr. William M. Beauchamp's Aboriginal 
Occupation of New York, Bulletin No. 32 of the New York State Museum (Albany, 
1900), and the same author's Aboriginal Place Names of New York, Bulletin No. 
108 (Albany, 1907). 



near their (Maquas) castle, but we could not ascend it on ac- 
count of the heavy freshet. 

December 12. At three hours before daylight, we proceeded 
again, and the savages that went with us would have left us 
there if I had not noticed it; and when we thought of taking 
our meal we perceived that their dogs had eaten our meat and 
cheese. So we had then only dry bread and had to travel on 
that; and, after going for an hour, we came to the branch 1 
that runs into our river and past the Maquas villages, where 
the ice drifted very fast. Jeronimus crossed first, with one 
savage in a canoe made of the bark of trees, because there was 
only room for two; after that Willem and I went over; and 
it was so dark that we could not see each other if we did not 
come close together. It was not without danger. When all 
of us had crossed, we went another league and a half and came 
to a hunter's cabin, which we entered to eat some venison, and 
hastened farther, and after another half league we saw some 
Indians approaching; and as soon as they saw us they ran off 
and threw their sacks and bags away, and fled down a valley 
behind the underwood, so that we could not see them. We 
looked at their goods and bags, and took therefrom a small 
[loaf of] bread. It was baked with beans, and we ate it. 
We went farther, and mostly along the aforesaid kill that ran 
very swiftly because of the freshet. In this kill there are a 
good many islands, and on the sides upward of 500 or 600 
morgen 2 of flat land; yes, I think even more. And after we 
had been marching about eleven leagues, we arrived at one 
o'clock in the evening half a league from the first castle 3 at a 
little house. We found only Indian women inside. We should 
have gone farther, but I could hardly move my feet because of 
the rough road, so we slept there. It was very cold, with 
northerly wind. 

December 13. In the morning we went together to the 
castle over the ice that during the night had frozen on the kill, 
and, after going half a league, we arrived in their first castle, 
which is built on a high hill. There stood but 36 houses, in 

1 The Mohawk River, which they now ascend. 
" A thousand or 1,200 acres. 

3 Apparently this first castle of the Mohawks, Onekagoncka, stood near 
Auriesville, west of the mouth of Schoharie Creek. 


rows like streets, so that we could pass nicely. The houses are 
made and covered with bark of trees, and mostly are flat at 
the top. Some are 100, 90, or 80 paces long and 22 and 23 feet 
high. 1 There were some inside doors of hewn boards, furnished 
with iron hinges. In some houses we saw different kinds of 
iron work, iron chains, harrow irons, iron hoops, nails which 
they steal when they go forth from here. Most of the people 
were out hunting deer and bear. The houses were full of corn 
that they call onersti, 2 and we saw maize; yes, in some of the 
houses more than 300 bushels. They make canoes and 
barrels of the bark of trees, and sew with bark as well. 8 We 
had a good many pumpkins cooked and baked that they called 
anansira. 4 None of the chiefs were at home, but the principal 
chief is named Adriochten, who lived a quarter of a mile from 
the fort in a small house, because a good many savages here 
in the castle died of smallpox. I sent him a message to come 
and see us, which he did; he came and bade me welcome, and 
said that he wanted us very much to come with him. We 
should have done so, but when already on the way another 
chief called us, and so we went to the castle again. This one 
had a big fire lighted, and a fat haunch of venison cooked, of 
which we ate. He gave us two bearskins to sleep upon, and 
presented me with three beaver skins. In the evening Willem 
Tomassen, whose legs were swollen from the march, had a few 
cuts made with a knife therein, and after that had them rubbed 
with bear grease. We slept in this house, ate heartily of 
pumpkins, beans and venison, so that we were not hungry, but 
were treated as well as is possible in their land. We hope that 
all will succeed. 

December 14. Jeronimus wrote a letter to our commis 
(factor), Marten Gerritsen, and asked for paper, salt, and 
atsochwat 5 that means tobacco for the savages. We went out 
to shoot turkeys with the chief, but could not get any. In the 
evening I bought a very fat one for two hands of seewan. 

1 This is one of the celebrated "long houses" of the Iroquois, described more 
fully by Lafitau and Bartram. The best discussion of the subject, quoting their 
descriptions, is to be found in Mr. H. M. Lloyd's edition of Morgan's League of 
the Iroquois (New York, 1904), II. 287-302. 

1 Onnenste=corn (Bruyas). * With the inner bark of the elm. 

0nnorm'ra=pumpkin (Bruyas). s Atsogwan= to smoke (Bruyas). 


The chief cooked it for us, and the grease he mixed with our 
beans and maize. This chief showed me his idol ; it was a male 
cat's head, with the teeth sticking out; it was dressed in 
duffel cloth. Others have a snake, a turtle, a swan, a crane, a 
pigeon, or the like for their idols, to tell the fortune ; they think 
they will always have good luck in doing so. From here two 
savages went with their skins to Fort Orange. 

December 15. I went again with the chief to hunt turkeys, 
but could not get any; and in the evening the chief again 
showed us his idol, and we resolved to stay here for another 
two or three days till there should be an opportunity to pro- 
ceed, because all the footpaths had disappeared under the 
heavy snowfalls. 

December 16. After midday a famous hunter came here 
named Sickarus, who wanted very much that we should go 
with him to his castle. He offered to carry our goods and to 
let us sleep and remain in his house as long as we liked ; and 
because he was offering us so much I gave him a knife and two 
awls as a present, and to the chief in whose house we had been 
I presented a knife and a pair of scissors; and then we took our 
departure from this castle, named Onekagoncka, and after 
going for half a league over the ice we saw a village with only 
six houses, of the name Canowarode; but we did not enter it, 
because he said it was not worth while, and after another half 
league we passed again a village where twelve houses stood. 
It was named Schatsyerosy. These were like the others, he 
saying they likewise were not worth while entering ; and after 
passing by great stretches of flat land, for another league or 
league and a half, we came into this castle, at two good hours 
after dark. I did not see much besides a good many graves. 
This castle is named Canagere. 1 It is built on a hill, without 
any palisades or any defense. We found only seven men at 
home, besides a party of old women and children. The chiefs 
of this castle, named Tonnosatton and Tonewerot, were 
hunting; so we slept in the house of Sickarus, as he had 
promised us; and we counted in his house 120 pieces of salable 

1 The second castle, Kanagiro (Banagiro) of Megapolensis, Canagero of Van 
der Donck's map. According to Megapolensis it was the castle of the Bear 
clan; " Ganniagwari, a she-bear, it is the name of the Mohawks" (Bruyas). At 
this time it was on the south side of the Mohawk River. 


beaver skins that he captured with his own dogs. Every day 
we ate beaver meat here. In this castle are sixteen houses, 
50, 60, 70, or 80 paces long, and one of sixteen paces, and one of 
five paces, containing a bear to be fattened. It had been in 
there upward of three years, and was so tame that it took 
everything that was given to it to eat. 

December 17. Sunday we looked over our goods, and found 
a paper filled with sulphur, and Jeronimus took some of it and 
threw it m the fire. They saw the blue flame and smelled the 
smoke, and told us they had the same stuff; and when Sickarus 
came they asked us to let them take a look at it, and it was the 
same ; and we asked him where he obtained it. He told us they 
obtained it from the stranger savages, and that they believed it 
to be good against many maladies, but principally for their legs 
when they were sore from long marching and were very tired. 

December 18. Three women of the Sinnekens came here 
with dried and fresh salmon; the latter smelled very bad. 
They sold each salmon for one florin or two hands of seawan. 
They brought, also, a good quantity of green tobacco to sell; 
and had been six days on the march. They could not sell all 
their salmon here, but went farther on to the first castle; and 
when they returned we were to go with them, and in the evening 
Jeronimus told me that a savage tried to kill him with a knife. 

December 19. We received a letter from Marten Gerritsen 
dated December 18, and with it we received paper, salt, tobacco 
for the savages, and a bottle of brandy, and secured an Indian 
that was willing to be our guide to the Sinnekens. We gave 
him half a yard of cloth, two axes, two knives, and two awls. If 
it had been summer, many Indians would have gone with us, 
but as it was winter they would not leave their land, because it 
snowed very often up to the height of a man. To-day we had 
a great rainfall, and I gave the guide a pair of shoes. His 
name was Sqorhea. 

December 20. We took our departure from the second 
castle, and, after marching a league, our savage, Sqorhea, came 
to a stream that we had to pass. This stream ran very fast; 
besides, big cakes of ice came drifting along, for the heavy rain- 
fall during yesterday had set the ice drifting. We were in 
great danger, for if one of us had lost his footing it had cost 
us our lives; but God the Lord preserved us, and we came 


through safely. We were wet up to above the waist, and after 
going for another half league we came thus wet, with our 
clothes, shoes and stockings frozen to us, to a very high hill on 
which stood 32 houses, like the other ones. Some were 100, 90, 
or 80 paces long; in every house we saw four, five, or six fire- 
places where cooking went on. A good many savages were at 
home, so we were much looked at by both the old and the 
young; indeed, we could hardly pass through. They pushed 
each other in the fire to see us, and it was more than mid- 
night before they took their departure. We could not absent 
ourselves to go to stool; even then they crawled around us 
without any feeling of shame. This is the third castle and is 
named Schanidisse. 1 The chief's name is Tewowary. They 
lent me this evening a lion skin 2 to cover myself; but in the 
morning I had more than a hundred lice. We ate much 
venison here. Near this castle there is plenty of flat land, and 
the wood is full of oaks and nut trees. We exchanged here one 
beaver skin for one awl. 

December 21. We started very early in the morning, and 
thought of going to the fourth castle, but after a half league's 
marching we came to a village with only nine houses, of the 
name of Osquage; 3 the chief's name was Oquoho that is, 
wolf. And here we saw a big stream that our guide did not 
dare to cross, as the water was over one's head because of the 
heavy rainfall; so we were obliged to postpone it till the next 
day. The chief treated us very kindly; he did us much good 
and gave us plenty to eat, for everything to be found in his 
houses was at our service. He said often to me that I was his 
brother and good friend; yes, he told me even how he had been 
travelling overland for thirty days, and how he met there an 
Englishman, to learn the language of the Minquase 4 and to 
buy the skins. I asked him whether there were any French 
savages there with the Sinnekens. He said yes; and I felt 
gratified and had a good hope to reach my aim. They called 
me here to cure a man that was very sick. 

December 22. When the sun rose, we waded together 
through the stream ; the water was over the knee, and so cold 

1 Schanatissa appears on Van der Donck's map. * Panther's. 

'"Place of hulled-corn soup." 

4 Conestogas, on the lower course of the Susquehanna River. 


that our shoes and stockings in a very short time were frozen 
as hard as armor. The savages dared not go through, but 
went two by two, with a stick and hand in hand; and after 
going half a league we came to a village named Cawaoge. 
There stood fourteen houses, and a bear to fatten. We went 
in and smoked a pipe of tobacco, because the old man who was 
our guide was very tired. Another old man approached us, 
who shouted, " Welcome, welcome! you must stop here for the 
night"; but we wanted to be on the march and went forward. 
I tried to buy the bear, but they would not let it go. Along 
these roads we saw many trees much like the savin, with a very 
thick bark. This village likewise stood on a very high hill, and 
after going for another league we came into the fourth castle by 
land whereon we saw only a few trees. The name is Te notoge. 1 
There are 55 houses, some one hundred, others more or fewer 
paces long. The kill we spoke about before runs past here, 
and the course is mostly north by west and south by east. 
On the other bank of the kill there are also houses; but we did 
not go in, because they were most of them filled with corn and 
the houses in this castle are filled with corn and beans. The 
savages here looked much surprised to see us, and they crowded 
so much around us that we could hardly pass through, for 
nearly all of them were at home. After awhile one of the 
savages came to us and invited us to go with him to his house, 
and we entered. This castle had been surrounded by three 
rows of palisades, but now there were none save six or seven 
pieces so thick that it was quite a wonder that savages should 
be able to do that. They crowded each other in the fire to see 

December 23. A man came calling and shouting through 
some of the houses, but we did not know what it meant, and 
after awhile Jeronimus de la Croix came and told us what this 
was that the savages are preparing and arming. I asked them 
what all this was about, and they said to me: " Nothing, we 
shall play with one another," and there were four men with 
clubs and a party with axes and sticks. There were twenty 
people armed, nine on one side and eleven on the other; and 

1 Megapolensis calls it Thenondiogo and the castle of the Wolf clan. It 
appears on Van der Donck's map as t'lounontego. It seems to have been near 
the site of the present village of Sprakers, in Montgomery County. 


they went off against each other, and they fought and threw 
each other. Some of them wore armor and helmets that they 
themselves make of thin reeds and strings braided upon each 
other so that no arrow or axe can pass through to wound 
them severely; and after they had been playing thus a good 
while the parties closed and dragged each other by the hair, 
just as they would have done to their enemies after defeating 
them and before cutting off their scalps. They wanted us to 
fire our pistols, but we went off and left them alone. This day 
we were invited to buy bear meat, and we also got half a bushel 
of beans and a quantity of dried strawberries, and we bought 
some bread, that we wanted to take on our march. Some of 
the loaves were baked with nuts and cherries and dry blue- 
berries and the grains of the sunflower. 

December 24. It was Sunday. I saw in one of the houses 
a sick man. He had invited two of their doctors that could 
cure him they call them simachkoes ; and as soon as they came 
they began to sing and to light a big fire. They closed the 
house most carefully everywhere, so that the breeze could not 
come in, and after that each of them wrapped a snake-skin 
around his head. They washed their hands and faces, lifted 
the sick man from his place, and laid him alongside the big 
fire. Then they took a bucket of water, put some medicine 
in it, and washed in this water a stick about half a yard long, 
and kept sticking it in their throats so that no end of it was 
to be seen; and then they spat on the patient's head, and over 
all his body; and after that they made all sorts of farces, as 
shouting and raving, slapping of the hands; so are their 
manners; with many demonstrations upon one thing and 
another till they perspired so freely that their perspiration ran 
down on all sides. 

December 25 being Christmas. We rose early in the morn- 
ing and wanted to go to the Sinnekens; but, as it was snowing 
steadily, we could not go, because nobody wanted to go with 
us to carry our goods. I asked them how many chiefs there 
were in all, and they told me thirty. 

December 26. In the morning I was offered two pieces of 
bear's bacon to take with us on the march; and we took our 
departure, escorted by many of them that walked before and 
after us. They kept up shouting: " Allesa rondade!" that is, 


to fire our pistols; but we did not want to do so, and at last 
they went back. This day we passed over many a stretch of 
flat land, and crossed a kill where the water was knee-deep; 
and I think we kept this day mostly the direction west and 
northwest. The woods that we traversed consisted in the 
beginning mostly of oaks, but after three or four hours' march- 
ing it was mostly birch trees. It snowed the whole day, so 
it was very heavy marching over the hills; and after seven 
leagues, by guess, we arrived at a little house made of bark in 
the forest, where we lighted a fire and stopped for the night to 
sleep. It went on snowing, with a sharp, northerly wind. It 
was very cold. 

December 27. Early in the morning again on our difficult 
march, while the snow lay 2J feet in some places. We went 
over hills and through underwood. We saw traces of two 
bears, and elks, but no savages. There are beech trees; and 
after marching another seven or eight leagues, at sunset we 
found another little cabin in the forest, with hardly. any bark, 
but covered with the branches of trees. We made a big fire 
and cooked our dinner. It was so very cold during this night 
that I did not sleep more than two hours in all. 

December 28. We went as before, and after marching one 
or two leagues we arrived at a kill that, as the savages told me, 
ran into the land of the Minquaass, and after another mile we 
met another kill that runs into the South River, 1 as the savages 
told me, and here a good many otter and beaver are caught. 
This day we went over many high hills. The wood was full of 
great trees, mostly birches; and after seven or eight leagues 7 
marching we did the same as mentioned above. It was very 

December 29. We went again, proceeding on our voyage; 
and after marching a while we came on a very high hill, and as 
we nearly had mounted it I fell down so hard that I thought I 
had broken my ribs, but it was only the handle of my cutlass 
that was broken. We went through a good deal of flat land, 
with many oaks and handles for axes, and after another seven 
leagues we found another hut, where we rested ourselves. We 

1 Probably the upper waters of the Unadilla, an affluent of the Susquehanna, 
which rises but a few miles from the Mohawk. The party crossed no affluents of 
the Delaware. 


made a fire and ate all the food we had, because the savages 
told us that we were still about four leagues distant from the 
castle. The sun was near setting as still another of the savages 
went on to the castle to tell them we were coming. We would 
have gone with him, but because we felt so very hungry the 
savages would not take us along with them. The course 

December 30. Without anything to eat we went to the 
Sinnekens' castle, 1 and after marching awhile the savages 
showed me the branch of the river that passes by Fort Orange 
and past the land of the Maquas. A woman came to meet us, 
bringing us baked pumpkins to eat. This road was mostly full 
of birches and beautiful flat land for sowing. Before we 
reached the castle we saw three graves, just like our graves in 
length and height; usually their graves are round. These 
graves were surrounded with palisades that they had split from 
trees, and they were closed up so nicely that it was a wonder 
to see. They were painted with red and white and black 
paint; but the chief's grave had an entrance, and at the top of 
that was a big wooden bird, and all around were painted dogs, 
and deer, and snakes, and other beasts. After four or five 
leagues' marching the savages still prayed us to fire our guns, 
and so we did, but loaded them again directly and went on to 
the castle. And we saw to the northwest of us, a large river, 
and on the other side thereof tremendously high land that 
seemed to lie in the clouds. Upon inquiring closely into this, 
the savages told me that in this river the Frenchmen came to 
trade. And then we marched confidently to the castle, 
where the savages divided into two rows, and so let us pass 
through them by the gate, which was the one we went through 
3J feet wide, and at the top were standing three big wooden 
images, carved like men, and with them I saw three scalps 
fluttering in the wind, that they had taken from their foes as a 
token of the truth of their victory. This castle has two gates, 
one on the east and one on the west side. On the east side a 
scalp was also hanging; but this gate was 1J feet smaller than 
the other one. When at last we arrived in the chief's house, I 
saw there a good many people that I knew; and we were re- 

1 The old town of the Oneidas, near Munnsville, Madison County, and on 
Oriskany Creek. 



quested to sit down in the chief's place where he was accustomed 
to sit, because at the time he was not at home, and we felt cold 
and were wet and tired. They at once gave us to eat, and they 
made a good fire. This castle likewise is situated on a very 
high hill, and was surrounded with two rows of palisades. It 
was 767 paces in circumference. There are 66 houses, but 
much better, higher, and more finished than all the others we 
saw. A good many houses had wooden fronts that are painted 
with all sorts of beasts. There they sleep mostly on elevated 
boards, more than any other savages. In the afternoon one of 
the council came to me, asking the reason of our coming into 
his land, and what we brought for him as a present. I told 
him that we did not bring any present, but that we only paid 
him a visit. He told us that we were not worth anything, 
because we did not bring him a present. Then he told us how 
the Frenchmen had come thither to trade with six men, and 
had given them good gifts, because they had been trading in 
this river with six men in the month of August of this year. 
We saw very good axes to cut the underwood, and French 
shirts and coats and razors; and this member of the council 
said we were scoundrels, and were not worth anything because 
we paid not enough for their beaver skins. They told us that 
the Frenchmen gave six hands of seawan for one beaver, and all 
sorts of things more. The savages were pressing closely upon 
us, so that there was hardly room for us to sit. If they had 
desired to molest us, we could hardly have been able to defend 
ourselves; but there was no danger. In this river here spoken 
of, often six, seven, or eight hundred salmon are caught in a 
single day. I saw houses where 60, 70, and more dried salmon 
were hanging. 

December 31. On Sunday the chief of this castle came back 
(his name is Arenias), and one more man. They told us that 
they returned from the French savages, and some of the 
savages shouted "Jawe Arenias!" which meant that they 
thanked him for having come back. And I told him that in 
the night we should fire three shots; and he said it was all 
right ; and they seemed very well contented. We questioned 
them concerning the situation [of the places] in their castle 
and their names, and how far they were away from each other. 
They showed us with stones and maize grains, and Jeronimus 


then made a chart of it. And we counted all in leagues how 
far each place was away from the next. The savages told us 
that on the high land which we had seen by that lake there 
lived men with horns on their heads; and they told us that a 
good many beavers were caught there, too, but they dared not 
go so far because of the French savages; therefore they thought 
best to make peace. We fired three shots in the night in honor 
of the year of our Lord and Redeemer, Jesus Christ. 

Praise the Lord above all! In the castle Onneyuttehage/ 
or Sinnekens, January 1, 1635. 

January 1, 1635. Another savage scolded at us. We were 
scoundrels, as told before; and he looked angry. Willem 
Tomassen got so excited that the tears were running along his 
cheeks, and the savages, seeing that we were not at all con- 
tented, asked us what was the matter, and why we looked so 
disgusted at him. There were in all 46 persons seated near us; 
if they had intended to do mischief, they could easily have 
caught us with their hands and killed us without much trouble ; 
when I had listened long enough to the Indian's chatter I told 
him that he was a scoundrel himself and he began to laugh, 
said he was not angry and said: "You must not grow so 
furious, for we are very glad that you came here." And after 
that Jeronimus gave the chief two knives, two pairs of scissors, 
and a few awls and needles that we had with us. And in the 
evening the savages suspended a band of seawan, and some 
other stringed seawan that the chief had brought with him 
from the French savages as a sign of peace and that the French 
savages were to come in confidence to them, and he sang: 
11 Ho schene jo ho ho schene I atsiehoewe atsihoewe," after which 
all the savages shouted three times: "Netho, netho, netho!" 
and after that another band of seawan was suspended and he 
sang then: "Katon, katon, katon, katon!" and all the savages 
shouted as hard as they could: "Hy, hy, hy!" After long 
deliberation they made peace for four years, and soon after 
everyone returned to his home. 

January 2. The savages came to us and told us that we 
had better stop another four or five days. They would provide 
for all our needs and have us treated nicely; but I told them 
we could not wait so long as that. They replied that they had 

1 Oneida town. 


sent a message to the Onondagas that is, the castle next to 
theirs but I told them they nearly starved us. Then they 
said that in future they would look better after us, and twice 
during this day we were invited to be their guests, and treated 
to salmon and bear's bacon. 

January 3. Some old men came to us and told us they 
wanted to be our friends, and they said we need not be afraid. 
And I replied we were not afraid, and in the afternoon the coun- 
cil sat here in all, 24 men and after consulting for a long 
while an old man approached me and laid his hand upon my 
heart to feel it beat; and then he shouted we really were not 
afraid at all. After that six more members of the council came, 
and after that they presented me a coat made of beaver skin, 
and told me they gave it to me because I came here and ought 
to be very tired, and he pointed to his and my legs; and besides, 
it is because you have been marching through the snow. And 
when I took the coat they shouted three times: "Netho, 
netho, netho /" which means, "This is very well." And directly 
after that they laid five pieces of beaver skins on my feet, at 
the same time requesting me that in the future they should 
receive four hands of seawan and four handbreadths of cloth 
for every big beaver skin, because we have to go so far with our 
skins ; and very often when we come to your places we do not 
find any cloth or seawan or axes or kettles, or not enough for 
all of us, and then we have had much trouble for nothing, and 
have to go back over a great distance, carrying our goods back 
again. After we sat for a considerable time, an old man came 
to us, and translated it to us in the other language, and told 
us that we did not answer yet whether they were to have four 
hands of seawan or not for their skins. I told him that we 
had not the power to promise that, but that we should report 
about it to the chief at the Manhatans, who was our commander, 
and that I would give him a definite answer in the spring, and 
come myself to their land. Then they said to me "Welsmach- 
koo, " you must not lie, and surely come to us in the spring, and 
report to us about all. And if you will give us four hands of 
seawan we will not sell our skins to anyone but you ; and after 
that they gave me the five beaver skins, and shouted as hard 
as they could: "Netho, netho, netho!" And then, that 
everything should be firmly binding, they called or sang : 


11 Ha assironi atsimach koo kent oya kayuig wee Onneyatte 
Onaondaga Koyocke hoo hanoto wany agweganne hoo schene ha 
caton scahten franosoni yndicho." That means that I could go 
in all these places they said the names of all the castles 
freely and everywhere. I should be provided with a house and 
a fire and wood and everything I needed; and if I wanted to 
go to the Frenchmen they would guide me there and back; 
and after that they shouted again : ' ' Netho, netho, netho ! " and 
they made a present of another beaver skin to me, and we ate 
to-day bear meat that we were invited to. In this house, 
belonging to the chief, there were three or four meals a day, 
and they did not cook in it, as everything was brought in from 
the other houses in large kettles ; for it was the council that took 
their meals here every day. And whoever then happens to be 
in the house receives a bowlful of food; for it is the rule here 
that everyone that comes here has his bowl filled; and if they 
are short of bowls they bring them and their spoons with them. 
They go thus and seat themselves side by side; the bowls are 
then fetched and brought back filled, for a guest that is invited 
does not rise before he has eaten. Sometimes they sing, and 
sometimes they do not, thanking the host before they return 

January 4. Two savages came, inviting us to come and 
see how they used to drive away the devil. I told them that I 
had seen it before ; but they did not move off, and I had to go ; 
and because I did not choose to go alone I took Jeronimus 
along. I saw a dozen men together who were going to drive 
him off. After we arrived the floor of the house was thickly 
covered with the bark of trees for the hunters of the devil to 
walk upon. They were mostly old men, and they had their 
faces all painted with red paint which they always do when 
they are going to do anything unusual. Three men among 
them had a wreath on their heads, on which stuck five white 
crosses. These wreaths are made of deer hair that they had 
braided with the roots of a sort of green herb. In the middle 
of the house they then put a man who was very sick, and who 
was treated without success during a considerable time. Close 
by sat an old woman with a turtle shell in her hands. In the 
turtle shell were a good many beads. She kept clinking all the 
while, and all of them sang to the measure; then they would 


proceed to catch the devil and trample him to death; they 
trampled the bark to atoms so that none of it remained whole, 
and wherever they saw but a little cloud of dust upon the maize, 
they beat at it in great amazement and then they blew that dust 
at one another and were so afraid that they ran as if they really 
saw the devil; and after long stamping and running one of them 
went to the sick man and took away an otter that he had in his 
hands; and he sucked the sick man for awhile in his neck and 
on the back, and after that he spat in the otter's mouth and 
threw it down; at the same time he ran off like mad through 
fear. Other men then went to the otter, and then there took 
place such foolery that it was quite a wonder to see. Yes; 
they commenced to throw fire and eat fire, and kept scattering 
hot ashes and red-hot coal in such a way that I ran out of the 
house. To-day another beaver skin was presented to me. 

January 5. I bought four dried salmon and two pieces of 
bear bacon that was about nine inches thick; and we saw 
thicker, even. They gave us beans cooked with bear bacon to 
eat to-day, and further nothing particular happened. 

January 6. Nothing particular than that I was shown a 
parcel of flint stones wherewith they make fire when they are 
in the forest. Those stones would do very well for firelock guns. 

January 7. We received a letter from Marten Gerritsen, 
dated from the last of December; it was brought by a Sinneken 
that arrived from our fort. He told us that our people grew 
very uneasy about our not coming home, and that they thought 
we had been killed. We ate fresh salmon only two days caught, 
and we were robbed to-day of six and a half hands of seawan 
that we never saw again. 

January 8. Arenias came to me to say that he wanted to 
go with me to the fort and take all his skins to trade. Jeroni- 
mus tried to sell his coat here, but he could not get rid of it. 

January 9. During the evening the Onondagas came. 
There were six old men and four women. They were very 
tired from the march, and brought with them some bear skins. 
I came to meet them, and thanked them that they came to 
visit us; and they welcomed me, and because it was very late 
I went home. 

January 10. Jeronimus burned the greater part of his 
pantaloons, that dropped in the fire during the night, and the 


chief's mother gave him cloth to repair it, and Willem Tomassen 
repaired it. 

January 11. At ten o'clock in the morning the savages 
came to me and invited me to come to the house where the 
Onondagans sat in council. ' ' They will give you presents" ; and 
I went there with Jeronimus; took our pistols with us and sat 
alongside of them, near an old man of the name of Canastogeera, 
about 55 years of age; and he said: " Friends, I have come 
here to see you and to talk to you;" wherefore we thanked him, 
and after they had sat in council for a long time an interpreter 
came to me and gave me five pieces of beaver skin because we 
had come into their council. I took the beaver skins and 
thanked them, and they shouted three times "Netho!" And 
after that another five beaver skins that they laid upon my 
feet, and they gave them to me because I had come into their 
council-house. We should have been given a good many 
skins as presents if we had come into his land; and they ear- 
nestly requested me to visit their land in the summer, and after 
that gave me another four beaver skins and asked at the same 
time to be better paid for their skins. They would bring us a 
great quantity if we did; and if I came back in the summer to 
their land we should have three or four savages along with us 
to look all around that lake and show us where the Frenchmen 
came trading with their shallops. And when we gathered our 
fourteen beavers they again shouted as hard as they could, 
"Zinae netho!" and we fired away with our pistols and gave 
the chief two pairs of knives, some awls, and needles ; and then 
we were informed we might take our departure. We had at 
the time five pieces of salmon and two pieces of bear bacon that 
we were to take on the march, and here they gave a good many 
loaves and even flour to take with us. 

January 12. We took our departure ; and when we thought 
everything was ready the savages did not want to carry our 
goods twenty-eight beaver skins, five salmon, and some 
loaves of bread because they all had already quite enough to 
carry; but after a good deal of grumbling and nice words 
they at last consented and carried our goods. Many savages 
walked along with us and they shouted, "Alle sarondade /" that 
is, to fire the pistols; and when we came near the chief's grave 
we fired three shots, and they went back. It was about nine 


o'clock when we left this place and walked only about five 
leagues through 2^ feet of snow. It was a very difficult road, 
so that some of the savages had to stop in the forest and sleep 
in the snow. We went on, however, and reached a little cabin, 
where we slept. 

January 13. Early in the morning we were on our journey 
again, and after going seven or eight leagues we arrived at 
another hut, where we rested awhile, cooked our dinner, and 
slept. Arenias pointed out to me a place on a high mountain, 
and said that after ten days' marching we could reach a big 
river there where plenty of people are living, and where plenty 
of cows and horses are ; but we had to cross the river for a whole 
day and then to proceed for six days more in order to reach it. 
This was the place which we passed on the 29th of December. 
He did us a great deal of good. 

January 14. On Sunday we made ready to proceed, but the 
chief wished to go bear hunting and wanted to stop here but, 
because it was fine weather, I went alone with two or three 
savages. Here two Maquas Indians joined us, as they wanted 
to go and trade elk skins and satteeu. 

January 15. In the morning, two hours before daylight, 
after taking breakfast with the savages, I proceeded on the 
voyage, and when it was nearly dark again the savages made a 
fire in the wood, as they did not want to go farther, and I 
came about three hours after dark to a hut where I had slept 
on the 26th of December. It was very cold. I could not 
make a fire, and was obliged to walk the whole night to keep 

January 16. In the morning, three hours before dawn, as 
the moon rose, I searched for the path, which I found at last ; 
and because I marched so quickly I arrived about nine o'clock 
on very extensive flat land. After having passed over a high 
hill I came to a very even footpath that had been made through 
the snow by the savages who had passed this way with much 
venison, because they had come home to their castle after 
hunting; and about ten o'clock I saw the castle and arrived 
there about twelve o'clock. Upward of one hundred people 
came out to welcome me, and showed me a house where I could 
go. They gave me a white hare to eat that they caught two 
days ago. They cooked it with walnuts, and they gave me a 


piece of wheaten bread a savage that had arrived here from 
Fort Orange on the fifteenth of this month had brought with 
him. In the evening more than forty fathoms of seawan were 
divided among them as the last will of the savages that died of 
the smallpox. It was divided in the presence of the chief and 
the nearest friends. It is their custom to divide among the 
chief and nearest friends. And in the evening the savages gave 
me two bear skins to cover me, and they brought rushes to 
lay under my head, and they told us that our kinsmen wanted 
us very much to come back. 

January 17. Jeronimus and Tomassen, with some savages, 
joined us in this castle, Tenotogehage, and they still were all 
right; and in the evening I saw another hundred fathoms of 
seawan divided among the chief and the friends of the nearest 

January 18. We went again to this castle, I should say 
from this castle on our route, in order to hasten home. In 
some of the houses we saw more than forty or fifty deer cut 
in quarters and dried; but they gave us very little of it to eat. 
After marching half a league we passed through the village of 
Kawaoge, and after another half league we came to the village 
of Osquage. The chief, Ohquahoo, received us well, and we 
waited here for the chief, Arenias, whom we had left in the 
castle Te Notooge. 

January 19. We went as fast as we could in the morning, 
proceeding on the march; and after going half a league we 
arrived at the third castle, named Schanadisse, and I looked 
around in some of the houses to see whether there were any 
skins. I met nine Onondagas there with skins, that I told to 
go with me to the second castle, where the chief, Taturot, I 
should say Tonewerot, was at home, who welcomed us at once, 
and gave us a very fat piece of venison, which we cooked; and 
when we were sitting at dinner we received a letter from Marten 
Gerritsen, brought us by a savage that came in search of us, and 
was dated January 18. We resolved to proceed at once to the 
first castle, and to depart on the morrow for Fort Orange, and 
a good three hours before sunset we arrived at the first castle. 
We had bread baked for us again, and packed the three beavers 
we had received from the chief when we had first come here. 
We slept here this night and ate here. 



January 20. In the morning, before daylight, Jeronimus 
sold his coat for four beaver skins to an old man. We set forth 
at one hour before daylight, and after marching by guess two 
leagues the savages pointed to a high mountain where their 
castle stood nine years before. 1 They had been driven out 
by the Mahicans, and after that time they did not want to live 
there. After marching seven or eight leagues we found that 
the hunters' cabins had been burned, so we were obliged to 
sleep under the blue sky. 

January 21. We proceeded early in the morning, and after 
a long march we took a wrong path that was the most walked 
upon; but as the savages knew the paths better than we did 
they returned with us, and after eleven leagues' marching we 
arrived, the Lord be praised and thanked, at Fort Orange, 
January 21, anno 1635. 

[Vocabulary of the M aquas.} 

Assire or oggaha . . . Cloth. 

Atoga Axes. 

Atsochta Adze. 

Assere . Knives. 

Assaghe Rapier. 

Attochwat Spoons. 

Ondach Kettles. 

Endat hatste Looking-glass. 

Sasaskarisat Scissors. 

Kamewari (Garonare?) . Awls. 

Onekoera Seawan, their money. 

Tiggeretait Combs. 

Catse (Garistats?) . . . Bell. 

Dedaia witha .... Shirts or coats. 

Nonnewarory .... Fur caps. 

Eytroghe Beads. 

Canagosat Scraper. 

Caris Stockings. 

Achta Shoes. 

1 The abandoned castle pointed out by the Mohawks seems to have marked 
their farthest eastern extension. 


Names of animals that occur there : 

Aque (Gario?) .... Deer. 

Aquesados Horse. 

Adiron Cat. 

Aquidagon Ox. 

Senoto wanne .... Elk. 

Ochquari Bear. 

Sinite Beaver. 

Tawyne Otter. 

Eyo Mink. 

Senadondo Fox. 

Ochquoha Wolf. 

Seranda Male cat. 

Ichar or sateeni .... Dog. 

Tali Crane. 

Kragequa Swans. 

Kahanckt Geese. 

Schawariwane .... Turkeys. 

Schascari wanasi . . . Eagles. 

Tantanege Hares. 

Onckwe Men. 

Etsi (Eight jen?) ... A man. 

Coenhechti (Gahetien?) . A woman. 

Ocstaha An old man. 

Odasqueta An old woman. 

Sine gechtera .... A wooer. 

Exhechta A lass. 

Ragina Father. 

Distan Mother. 

Cian Child. 

Rocksongwa (Ronwaye?) Boy. 

Canna warori .... Prostitute. 

Onentar Woman in labor. 

Ragenonou Uncle. 

Rackesie Cousin. 

Anochquis Hair. 

Anonsi Head. 

Ohochta Ears. 

Ohonikwa Throat. 

Oneyatsa Nose. 


Owanisse Tongue. 

Onawy Teeth. 

Onenta Arm. 

Osnotsa Hands. 

Onatassa Fingers. 

Otich kera Thumb. 

Otsira Nails. 

Onvare Shoulder blade. 

Orochquine Spine. 

Ossidan Feet. 

Onera Pudenda. 

Oeuda Excrements. 

Onsaha Vesicle. 

Canderes Phallus. 

Awahta Testicles. 

Casoya Ship, canoe. 

Conossade House or hut. 

Onega Water. 

Oetseira Fire. 

Oyente Wood (firewood). 

Oscante Bark. 

Canadera Bread. 

Ceheda (Osaheta?) . . . Beans. 

Oneste . Maize. 

Cinsie Fish. 

Ghekeront Salmon. 

Oware Meat. 

Athesera Flour. 

Satsori To eat. 

Onighira To drink. 

Katten kerreyager . . . Very hungry. 

Augustuske Very cold. 

Oyendere Very good. 

Rockste Friends. 

lachte yendere .... Tis no good. 

Quane (Kewanea?) . . Great. 

Canyewa Small. 

Wotstaha Broad. 

Gates Thick. 

Satewa . Alone. 


Sagat Doubly. 

Awaheya Death. 

Aghihi Sick. 

Sasnoron Hurry up. 

Archoo ...... At once. 

Owaetsei At present. 

The derri Yesterday. 

Jorhani To-morrow. 

Careyago The sky. 

Karackwero The sun. 

Asistock The stars. 

Sintho To sow. 

Deserentekar Meadow. 

Sorsar To raise. 

Cana The seed. 

Onea Stone. 

Canadack or cany . . . Sack or basket. 

Canadaghi A castle. 

Oyoghi A kill [small river]. 

Canaderage A river. 

Johati A path or road. 

Onstara To weep. 

Aquayesse ..... To laugh. 

Ohonte Grass, vegetables. 

Oneggeri Weeds or reeds or straw. 

Christittye Iron, copper, or lead. 

Onegonsera Red paint. 

Cahonsye Black. 

Crage White. 

Ossivenda Blue. 

Endatcondere .... To paint. 

Joddireyo To fight. 

Aquinachoo Angry. 

Jaghac teroeni .... Frightened. 

Dadeneye To gamble. 

Asserie Very strong. 

Carente Artful, crooked. 

Odossera The bacon. 

Keye The fat. 

Wistotcera The grease. 


Ostie The bone. 

Aghidawe To sleep. 

Sinekaty Carnal copulation. 

Jankurangue .... Very tired. 

Atsochwat Tobacco. 

Canonou Pipe. 

Esteronde The rain. 

Waghideria To sweat. 

Kayontochke .... Flat arable land. 

Ononda Mountains. 

Cayanoghe Islands. 

Schasohadee The overside. 

Caroo Close by. 

Cadadiene To trade. 

Daweyate To sit in council. 

Agetsioga A string of beads. 

Aquayanderen .... A chief. 

Seronquatse A scoundrel. 

Sari wacksi A chatterer. 

Onewachten A liar. 

Tenon commenyon . . . What do you want? 

Sinachkoo To drive the devil away. 

Adenocquat To give medicine. 

Coenhasaren To cure. 

Sategat To light the fire, make fire. 

Judicha The fire. 

Catteges issewe .... When will you come again? 

Tosenochte I don't know. 

Tegenhondi In the spring. 

Otteyage In the summer. 

Augustuske In the winter. 

Katkaste To cook dinner. 

Jori It is ready. 

Dequoguoha To go hunting. 

Osqucha I'll fetch it. 

Seyendere ii I know him well. 

Kristoni asseroni . . . Netherlander, Germans. 

Aderondackx .... Frenchmen or Englishmen. 

Anesagghena Mahicans, or Mohigans. 

Torsas . To the north. 


Kanon newage .... Manhattan. 

Onscat One. 

Tiggeni Two. 

Asse Three. 

Cayere Four. 

Wisch Five. 

Jayack Six. 

Tsadack Seven. 

Sategon Eight. 

Tyochte Nine. 

Oyere Ten. 

Tawasse Forty. 

Onscat teneyawe . . . Hundred. 



AN Amsterdam jeweller, Kiliaen van Rensselaer, a director 
of the West India Company from 1623 on, was the chief 
founder and promoter of agricultural colonization in New 
Netherland. Under the Privileges and Exemptions he bought 
from the Indians lands near Fort Orange, extending four leagues 
along the west bank of the river, from Beeren Island to the 
Mohawk. This was in 1630 and 1631. He was patroon of 
this domain, and owner of two-fifths, later three-fifths of it. 
Patroons were required by the Privileges (Art. xxvu.) to 
provide for the ministry of the Gospel in their domains. Van 
Rensselaer selected the writer of the following piece and sent 
him out to Rensselaerswyck under a contract for six years; 
the contract, dated April 6, 1642, may be seen translated in 
the Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, pp. 606-608. 

Born in 1603 or 1604, Johannes Megapolensis was the nephew 
of a minister of the same name at Coedyck, in North Holland. 
The name is apparently a Graeco-Latinization of Van Groot- 
stede. Of his youth we know only what he himself says, "I 
relinquished Popery and was thrust out at once from my in- 
herited estate." He had preached thirteen years in North 
Holland, at Wieringerweert and then at Schoorl and Bergen, 
when he sailed for New Netherland, under the contract men- 
tioned and with the approval of his classis and the Company. 
Accompanied by his wife and four children, he arrived at Fort 
Orange August 13, 1642. His service was to continue for six 
years from that date, with a salary of a thousand florins the 
first three years and twelve hundred the last three. A man 
of scholarship, piety, energy and good sense, he was trusted by 



the patroon, perhaps more than any one else in the colony, in 
important matters. He lived on the east side of the river, in 
what is now Greenbush, opposite Albany. A church was 
to have been built for him there in 1643, but apparently was 
never constructed. He began preaching to the Indians in 
that year, three years before John Eliot began his ministra- 
tions to the Indians of Massachusetts. His kindness to Father 
Jogues appears in the latter's narrative of his stay at Rens- 

Of the tract which follows, and which gives us important 
knowledge of the Mohawks at the time of first contact of white 
men with them, the more important because set forth by a well- 
educated observer, Adriaen van der Donck in his Beschrijvinge 
van Niew Nederlant ascribes the origin to " certain letters 
which he has written to his friends, which were printed (as he 
has told me) without his consent, but may be fully credited, 
he being a man of truth and of great learning, who writes in a 
vigorous style." (David Pietersen de Vries thought so well of 
the tract that he borrowed whole pages from it, covering the 
borrowings by somewhat clumsy devices.) Whatever the 
truth about the author's consent, there was in fact published 
at Alkmaar in 1644 a pamphlet entitled Een kort Ontwerp vande 
Mahakvase Indiaenen, haer Landtj Tale, Statiiere, Dracht, 
Godes-Dienst ende Magistrature, aldus beschreven ende nu 
kortelijck den 26 Augusti 1644 opgesonden uyt Nieuwe Neder- 
Lant, door Johannem Megapolensem juniorem, Predikant aldaer 
("A Short Account of the Mohawk Indians, their Country, 
Language, Stature, Dress, Religion and Government, thus de- 
scribed and recently, August 26, 1644, sent out of New Nether- 
land, by Johannes Megapolensis the younger, Preacher there"). 
Of this tract only one copy appears to exist, a copy preserved 
in the library of the University of Ghent. The tract is chiefly 
known through having been reprinted by Joost Hartgers in a 
book called Beschrijmnghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, 



Nieuw Engelandt, etc. (Amsterdam, 1651), a book also rare, 
but of which there are several copies in this country. Ebe- 
nezer Hazard printed a translation in 1792 in his Historical 
Collections, I. 517-526. A revised version, by J. R. Brodhead, 
appeared in 1857 in the Collections of the New York Historical 
Society, second series, III. 137-160. After further revision, 
from the text of Hartgers, by Professor A. Clinton Crowell of 
Brown University, this translation appears in the following 

When his period of service at Rensselaerswyck had expired, 
Megapolensis with some difficulty secured his dismission. He 
was at Manhattan in August, 1649, on his way home, when the 
Director and Council urged him to remain and supply the pulpit 
there, Domine Backerus having resigned. He allowed himself 
to be persuaded by their appeals, not to leave the settlement 
without all pastoral care. The classis of Amsterdam and the 
West India Company approved, and the result was that Domine 
Megapolensis remained in New Amsterdam the rest of his life. 
Though narrow in opposing the Lutherans and Quakers, he 
was useful in affairs both of church and state. He survived 
the surrender to the English in 1664, having indeed a large 
part in persuading Stuyvesant to submit, and died late in 


A Short Account of the Mohawk Indians, their Country, Lan- 
guage, Stature, Dress, Religion and Government, thus 
described and recently, August 26, 1644, sent out of New 
Netherland, by Johannes Megapolensis the younger. Preacher 

THE country here is in general like that in Germany. The 
land is good, and fruitful in everything which supplies human 
needs, except clothes, linen, woollen, stockings, shoes, etc., 
which are all dear here. The country is very mountainous, 
partly soil, partly rocks, and with elevations so exceeding high 
that they appear to almost touch the clouds. Thereon grow 
the finest fir trees the eye ever saw. There are also in this 
country oaks, alders, beeches, elms, willows, etc. In the 
forests, and here and there along the water side, and on the 
islands, there grows an abundance of chestnuts, plums, hazel 
nuts, large walnuts of several sorts, and of as good a taste as in 
the Netherlands, but they have a somewhat harder shell. 
The ground on the hills is covered with bushes of bilberries or 
blueberries; the ground in the flat land near the rivers is 
covered with strawberries, which grow here so plentifully in 
the fields, that one can lie down and eat them. Grapevines 
also grow here naturally in great abundance along the roads, 
paths, and creeks, and wherever you may turn you find them. 
I have seen whole pieces of land where vine stood by vine and 
grew very luxuriantly, climbing to the top of the largest and 
loftiest trees, and although they are not cultivated, some of the 
grapes are found to be as good and sweet as in Holland. Here is 
also a sort of grapes which grow very large, each grape as big 
as the end of one's finger, or an ordinary plum, and because 



they are somewhat fleshy and have a thick skin we call them 
Speck Druyven. 1 If people would cultivate the vines they 
might have as good wine here as they have in Germany or 
France. I had myself last harvest a boat-load of grapes and 
pressed them. As long as the wine was new it tasted better 
than any French or Rhenish Must, and the color of the grape 
juice here is so high and red that with one wine-glass full you 
can color a whole pot of white wine. In the forests is great 
plenty of deer, which in autumn and early winter are as fat 
as any Holland cow can be. I have had them with fat more 
than two fingers thick on the ribs, so that they were nothing 
else than almost clear fat, and could hardly be eaten. There 
are also many turkies, as large as in Holland, but in some years 
less than in others. The year before I came here/ there were 
so many turkies and deer that they came to feed by the houses 
and hog pens, and were taken by the Indians in such numbers 
that a deer was sold to the Dutch for a loaf of bread, or a knife, 
or even for a tobacco pipe ; but now one commonly has to give 
for a good deer six or seven guilders. In the forests here there 
are also many partridges, heath-hens and pigeons that fly 
together in thousands, and sometimes ten, twenty, thirty and 
even forty and fifty are killed at one shot. We have here, too, 
a great number of all kinds of fowl, swans, geese, ducks, wid- 
geons, teal, brant, which sport upon the river in thousands in 
the spring of the year, and again in the autumn fly away in 
flocks, so that in the morning and evening any one may stand 
ready with his gun before his house and shoot them as they 
fly past. I have also eaten here several times of elks, which 
were very fat and tasted much like venison; and besides these 
profitable beasts we have also in this country lions, 3 bears, 
wolves, foxes, and particularly very many snakes, which are 
large and as long as eight, ten, and twelve feet. Among others, 
there is a sort of snake, which we call rattlesnake, from a 
certain object which it has back upon its tail, two or three 
fingers' breadth long, and has ten or twelve joints, and with 
this it makes a noise like the crickets. Its color is variegated 
much like our large brindled bulls. These snakes have very 
sharp teeth in their mouth, and dare to bite at dogs; they 

1 What we now call hog-grapes. ' 7. e., in 1641. 



make way for neither man nor beast, but fall on and bite 
them, and their bite is very poisonous, and commonly even 
deadly too. 

As to the soil of this country, that on the mountains is 
a reddish sand or rock, but in the low flat lands, and along the 
rivers, and even in the jutting sides of the mountains for an 
hundred or two hundred paces up, there is often clay. I 
have been on hills here, as high as a church, to examine the 
soil, and have found it to be clay. In this ground there ap- 
pears to be a singular strength and capacity for bearing crops, 
for a farmer here * told me that he had raised fine wheat on 
one and the same piece of land eleven years successively with- 
out ever breaking it up or letting it lie fallow. The butter 
here is clean and yellow as in Holland. Through this land runs 
an excellent river, about 500 or 600 paces wide. This river 
comes out of the Mahakas Country, about four leagues north 
of us. There it flows between two high rocky banks, and falls 
from a height equal to that of a church, with such a noise that 
we can sometimes hear it here with us. 2 In the beginning of 
June twelve of us took a ride to see it. When we came there 
we saw not only the river falling with such a noise that we 
could hardly hear one another, but the water boiling and dash- 
ing with such force in still weather, that it seemed all the time 
as if it were raining; and the trees on the hills near by (which 
are as high as Schoorler Duyn 3 ) had their leaves all the time wet 
exactly as if it rained. The water is as clear as crystal, and as 
fresh as milk. I and another with me saw there, in clear sun- 
shine, when there was not a cloud in the sky, especially when 
we stood above upon the rocks, directly opposite where the 
river falls, in the great abyss, the half of a rainbow, or a quarter 
of a circle, of the same color with the rainbow in the sky. And 
when we had gone about ten or twelve rods farther downwards 
from the fall, along the river, we saw a complete rainbow, like 
a half circle, appearing clearly in the water just as if it had been 
in the clouds, and this is always so according to the report of 

1 Brant Peelen, of Nykerck in Gelderland, who lived on "Brant Peelen's" or 
Castle Island, a little below Fort Orange. See De Vries, p. 206, post. 

3 The Cohoes Falls. 

3 A dune or sand hill on the coast of North Holland, near the village of Schoorl, 
where Domine Megapolensis had lived. 


all who have ever been there. In this river is a great plenty of 
all kinds of fish pike, eels, perch, lampreys, suckers, cat fish, 
sun fish, shad, bass, etc. In the spring, in May, the perch are 
so plenty, that one man with a hook and line will catch in one 
hour as many as ten or twelve can eat. My boys have caught 
in an hour fifty, each a foot long. They have three hooks on 
the instrument with which they fish, and draw up frequently 
two or three perch at once. There is also in the river a great 
plenty of sturgeon, which we Christians do not like, but the 
Indians eat them greedily. In this river, too, are very beau- 
tiful islands, containing ten, twenty, thirty, fifty and seventy 
morgens of land. The soil is very good, but the worst of it is, 
that by the melting of the snow, or heavy rains, the river readily 
overflows and covers that low land. This river ebbs and flows 
at ordinary low water as far as this place, although it is thirty- 
six leagues inland from the sea. 

As for the temperature in this country, and the seasons of 
the year, the summers are pretty hot, so that for the most of 
the time we are obliged to go in just our shirts, and the winters 
are very cold. The summer continues long, even until All 
Saints' Day; but when the winter does begin, just as it com- 
monly does in December, it freezes so hard in one night that 
the ice will bear a man. Even the rivers, in still weather when 
there is no strong current running, are frozen over in one night, 
so that on the second day people walk over it. And this 
freezing continues commonly three months; for although we 
are situated here in 42 degrees of latitude, it always freezes so. 
And although there come warm and pleasant days, the thaw 
does not continue, but it freezes again until March. Then, 
commonly, the rivers first begin to open, and seldom in Feb- 
ruary. We have the greatest cold from the northwest, as in 
Holland from the northeast. The wind here is very seldom 
east, but almost always south, southwest, northwest, and north; 
so also the rain. 

Our shortest winter days have nine hours sun ; in the sum- 
mer, our longest days are about fifteen hours. We lie so far 
west of Holland that I judge you are about four hours in ad- 
vance of us, so that when it is six o'clock in the morning with 
us it is ten in the forenoon with you, and when it is noon with 
us, it is four o'clock in the afternoon with you. 


The inhabitants of this country are of two kinds: first, 
Christians at least so called; second, Indians. Of the Chris- 
tians I shall say nothing ; my design is to speak of the Indians 
only. These among us are again of two kinds: first, the 
Mahakinbas, or, as they call themselves, Kajingdhaga] sec- 
ond, the Mahakans, otherwise called Agotzagena. 1 These two 
nations have different languages, which have no affinity with 
each other, like Dutch and Latin. These people formerly 
carried on a great war against each other, but since the Maha- 
kanders were subdued by the Mahakobaas, peace has subsisted 
between them, and the conquered are obliged to bring a yearly 
contribution to the others. We live among both these kinds 
of Indians; and when they come to us from their country, or 
we go to them, they do us every act of friendship. The prin- 
cipal nation of all the savages and Indians hereabouts with 
which we have the most intercourse, is the Mahakuaas, 2 who 
have laid all the other Indians near us under contribution. 
This nation has a very difficult language, and it costs me great 
pains to learn it, so as to be able to speak and preach in it 
fluently. There is no Christian here who understands the 
language thoroughly; those who have lived here long can use a 
kind of jargon just sufficient to carry on trade with it, but they 
do not understand the fundamentals of the language. I am 
making a vocabulary of the Mahakuaas' language, and when 
I am among them I ask them how things are called ; but as they 
are very stupid, I sometimes cannot make them understand 
what I want. Moreover when they tell me, one tells me the 
word in the infinitive mood, another in the indicative ; one in the 
first, another in the second person ; one in the present, another 
in the preterit. So I stand oftentimes and look, but do not 
know how to put it down. And as they have declensions and 
conjugations also, and have their augments like the Greeks, 
I am like one distracted, and frequently cannot tell what to do, 
and there is no one to set me right. I shall have to speculate 
in this alone, in order to become in time an Indian grammarian. 
When I first observed that they pronounced their words so 
differently, I asked the commissary of the company 3 what it 

1 Mohawks and Mohicans. a Mohawks. 

3 Presumably Bastiaen Jansen Krol, who had been at Fort Orange most of 
the time from 1626. 


meant. He answered me that he did not know, but imagined 
they changed their language every two or three years ; I argued 
against this that it could never be that a whole nation should 
change its language with one consent; and, although he has 
been connected with them here these twenty years, he can 
afford me no assistance. 

The people and Indians here in this country are like us 
Dutchmen in body and stature; some of them have well 
formed features, bodies and limbs; they all have black hair and 
eyes, but their skin is yellow. In summer they go naked, hav- 
ing only their private parts covered with a patch. The children 
and young folks to ten, twelve and fourteen years of age go 
stark naked. In winter, they hang about them simply an un- 
dressed deer or bear or panther skin; or they take some 
beaver and otter skins, wild cat, raccoon, martin, otter, mink, 
squirrel or such like skins, which are plenty in this country, 
and sew some of them to others, until it is a square piece, and 
that is then a garment for them; or they buy of us Dutchmen 
two and a half ells of duffel, and that they hang simply about 
them, just as it was torn off, without sewing it, and walk away 
with it. They look at themselves constantly, and think they 
are very fine. They make themselves stockings and also shoes 
of deer skin, or they take leaves of their corn, and plait them 
together and use them for shoes. The women, as well as the 
men, go with their heads bare. The women let their hair grow 
very long, and tie it together a little, and let it hang down their 
backs. The men have a long lock of hair hanging down, some 
on one side of the head, and some on both sides. On the top 
of their heads they have a streak of hair from the forehead to 
the neck, about the breadth of three fingers, and this they 
shorten until it is about two or three fingers long, and it stands 
right on end like a cock's comb or hog's bristles; on both sides 
of this cock's comb they cut all the hair short, except the 
aforesaid locks, and they also leave on the bare places here 
and there small locks, such as are in sweeping-brushes, and 
then they are in fine array. 

They likewise paint their faces red, blue, etc., and then 
they look like the Devil himself. They smear their heads with 
bear's-grease, which they all carry with them for this purpose 
in a small basket;, they say they do it to make their hair grow 


better and to prevent their having lice. When they travel, 
they take with them some of their maize, a kettle, a wooden 
bowl, and a spoon; these they pack up and hang on their 
backs. Whenever they are hungry, they forthwith make a 
fire and cook; they can get fire by rubbing pieces of wood 
against one another, and that very quickly. 

They generally live without marriage; and if any of them 
have wives, the marriage continues no longer than seems good 
to one of the parties, and then they separate, and each takes 
another partner. I have seen those who had parted, and 
afterwards lived a long time with others, leave these again, 
seek their former partners, and again be one pair. And, 
though they have wives, yet they will not leave off whoring; 
and if they can sleep with another man's wife, they think 
it a brave thing. The women are exceedingly addicted to 
whoring ; they will lie with a man for the value of one, two, 
or three schillings, 1 and our Dutchmen run after them very 

The women, when they have been delivered, go about im- 
mediately afterwards, and be it ever so cold, they wash them- 
selves and the young child in the river or the snow. They will 
not lie down (for they say that if they did they would soon die), 
but keep going about. They are obliged to cut wood, to travel 
three or four leagues with the child; in short, they walk, they 
stand, they work, as if they had not lain in, and we cannot see 
that they suffer any injury by it; and we sometimes try to 
persuade our wives to lie-in so, and that the way of lying-in in 
Holland is a mere fiddle-faddle. The men have great authority 
over their concubines, so that if they do anything which does 
not please and raises their passion, they take an axe and knock 
them in the head, and there is an end of it. The women are 
obliged to prepare the land, to mow, to plant, and do every- 
thing; the men do nothing, but hunt, fish, and make war upon 
their enemies. They are very cruel towards their enemies in 
time of war; for they first bite off the nails of the fingers of 
their captives, and cut off some joints, and sometimes even 
whole fingers; after that, the captives are forced to sing and 
dance before them stark naked; and finally, they roast their 
prisoners dead before a slow fire for some days, and then eat 

1 The Dutch schilling was equivalent to twelve cents. 


them up. The common people eat the arms, buttocks and 
trunk, but the chiefs eat the head and the heart. 

Our Mahakas carry on great wars against the Indians of 
Canada, on the River Saint Lawrence, and take many captives, 
and sometimes there are French Christians among them. 
Last year, our Indians got a great booty from the French on 
the River Saint Lawrence, and took three Frenchmen, one of 
whom was a Jesuit. 1 They killed one, but the Jesuit (whose 
left thumb was cut off, and all the nails and parts of his fingers 
were bitten,) we released, and sent him to France by a yacht 
which was going to our country. They spare all the children 
from ten to twelve years old, and all the women whom they 
take in war, unless the women are very old, and then they kill 
them too. Though they are so very cruel to their enemies, they 
are very friendly to us, and we have no dread of them. We go 
with them into the woods, we meet with each other, sometimes 
at an hour or two's walk from any houses, and think no more 
about it than as if we met with a Christian. They sleep by us, 
too, in our chambers before our beds. I have had eight at 
once lying and sleeping upon the floor near my bed, for it is 
their custom to sleep simply on the bare ground, and to have 
only a stone or a bit of wood under their heads. In the evening, 
they go to bed very soon after they have supped; but early in 
the morning, before day begins to break, they are up again. 
They are very slovenly and dirty; they wash neither their face 
nor hands, but let all remain upon their yellow skin, and look 
like hogs. Their bread is Indian corn beaten to pieces between 
two stones, of which they make a cake, and bake it in the ashes: 
their other victuals are venison, turkies, hares, bears, wild 
cats, their own dogs, etc. The fish they cook just as they get 
them out of the water without cleansing; also the entrails of 
deer with all their contents, which they cook a little; and if the 
intestines are then too tough, they take one end in their mouth, 
and the other in their hand, and between hand and mouth they 
separate and eat them. So they do commonly with the flesh, 

1 This happened on August 2, 1642. The Jesuit whose life was spared was 
the celebrated Father Isaac Jogues, of whom a fuller account appears later, in the 
introduction to portions of his writings included in this volume. His captivity 
lasted till August, 1643. The relation of Megapolensis to his release is set forth 
in the pieces alluded to, pp. 248, 252, post. 


for they carve a little piece and lay it on the fire, as long as 
one would need to walk from his house to church, and then it is 
done; and then they bite into it so that the blood runs along 
their mouths. They can also take a piece of bear's-fat as large 
as two fists, and eat it clear without bread or anything else. 
It is natural to them to have no beards; not one in an hundred 
has any hair about his mouth. 

They have also naturally a very high opinion of themselves; 
they say, Ihy Oihkon, ("I am the Devil") by which they mean 
that they are superior folks. In order to praise themselves and 
their people, whenever we tell them they are very expert at 
catching deer, or doing this and that, they say, Tkoschs ko, 
aguweechon Kajingahaga kouaane Jountuckcha Othkon; that is, 
"Really all the Mohawks are very cunning devils." They 
make their houses of the bark of trees, very close and warm, 
and kindle their fire in the middle of them. They also make of 
the peeling and bark of trees, canoes or small boats, which will 
carry four, five and six persons. In like manner they hollow 
out trees, and use them for boats, some of which are very large. 
I have several times sat and sailed with ten, twelve and fourteen 
persons in one of these hollowed logs. We have in our colony 1 
a wooden canoe obtained from the Indians, which will easily 
carry two hundred schepels 2 of wheat. Their weapons in war 
were formerly a bow and arrow, with a stone axe and mallet; 
but now they get from our people guns, swords, iron axes and 
mallets. Their money consists of certain little bones, made of 
shells or cockles, which are found on the sea-beach; a hole is 
drilled through the middle of the little bones, and these they 
string upon thread, or they make of them belts as broad as a 
hand, or broader, and hang them on their necks, or around their 
bodies. They have also several holes in their ears, and there 
they likewise hang some. They value these little bones as 
highly as many Christians do gold, silver and pearls; but they 
do not like our money, and esteem it no better than iron. I 
once showed one of their chiefs a rix-dollar; he asked how 
much it was worth among the Christians; and when I told him, 
he laughed exceedingly at us, saying we were fools to value a 
piece of iron so highly; and if he had such money, he would 
throw it into the river. They place their dead upright in holes, 

^ensselaerswyck. 2 The schepel was about three pecks. 


and do not lay them down, and then they throw some trees 
and wood on the grave, or enclose it with palisades. They 
have their set times for going to catch fish, bears, panthers, 
beavers and eels. In the spring, they catch vast quantities of 
shad and lampreys, which are exceedingly large here; they lay 
them on the bark of trees in the sun, and dry them thoroughly 
hard, and then put them in notasten, or bags, which they plait 
from hemp which grows wild here, and keep the fish till winter. 
When their corn is ripe, they take it from the ears, open deep 
pits, and preserve it in these the whole winter. They can also 
make nets and seines in their fashion; and when they want 
to fish with seines, ten or twelve men will go together and help 
each other, all of whom own the seine in common. 

They are entire strangers to all religion, but they have a 
Tharonhijouaagorij (whom they also otherwise call Athzoock- 
kuatoriaho,) that is, a Genius, whom they esteem in the place 
of God; but they do not serve him or make offerings to him. 
They worship and present offerings to the Devil, whom they 
call OtskoUj or Aireskuoni. If they have any bad luck in war, 
they catch a bear, which they cut in pieces, and roast, and that 
they offer up to their Aireskuoni, saying in substance, the 
following words: "Oh! great and mighty Aireskuoni, we 
confess that we have offended against thee, inasmuch as we 
have not killed and eaten our captive enemies; forgive us 
this. We promise that we will kill and eat all the captives 
we shall hereafter take as certainly as we have killed, and now 
eat this bear." Also when the weather is very hot, and there 
comes a cooling breeze, they cry out directly, Asoronusi, 
asoronusi, Otskon aworouhsi reinnuha; that is, "I thank thee, 
I thank thee, devil, I thank thee, little uncle ! " If they are sick, 
or have a pain or soreness anywhere in their limbs, and I ask 
them what ails them they say that the Devil sits in their body, 
or in the sore places, and bites them there; so that they at- 
tribute to the Devil at once the accidents which befall them; 
they have otherwise no religion. When we pray they laugh 
at us. Some of them despise it entirely; and some, when we 
tell them what we do when we pray, stand astonished. When 
we deliver a sermon, sometimes ten or twelve of them, more or 
less, will attend, each having a long tobacco pipe, made by him- 
self, in his mouth, and will stand awhile and look, and after- 


wards ask me what I am doing and what I want, that I stand 
there alone and make so many words, while none of the rest 
may speak. I tell them that I am admonishing the Christians, 
that they must not steal, nor commit lewdness, nor get drunk, 
nor commit murder, and that they too ought not to do these 
things; and that I intend in process of time to preach the 
same to them and come to them in their own country and 
castles (about three days' journey from here, further inland), 
when I am acquainted with their language. Then they say 
I do well to teach the Christians; but immediately add, 
Diatennon jawij Assirioni, hagiouisk, that is, "Why do so 
many Christians do these things?" They call us Assirioni, 
that is, cloth-makers, or Charistooni, that is, iron-workers, 
because our people first brought cloth and iron among them. 

They will not come into a house where there is a men- 
struous woman, nor eat with her. No woman may touch 
their snares with which they catch deer, for they say the deer 
can scent it. 

The other day an old woman came to our house, and told 
my people that her forefathers had told her "that Tharonhij- 
Jagon, that is, God, once went out walking with his brother, and 
a dispute arose between them, and God killed his brother." I 
suppose this fable took its rise from Cain and Abel. They 
have a droll theory of the Creation, for they think that a 
pregnant woman fell down from heaven, and that a tortoise, 
(tortoises are plenty and large here, in this country, two, three 
and four feet long, some with two heads, very mischievous and 
addicted to biting) took this pregnant woman on its back, 
because every place was covered with water; and that the 
woman sat upon the tortoise, groped with her hands in the 
water, and scraped together some of the earth, whence it 
finally happened that the earth was raised above the water. 
They think that there are more worlds than one, and that we 
came from another world. 

The Mohawk Indians are divided into three tribes, which 
are called Ochkari, Anaware, Oknaho, that is, the Bear, the 
Tortoise and the Wolf. Of these, the Tortoise is the greatest 
and most prominent; and they boast that they are the 
oldest descendants of the woman before mentioned. These 
have made a fort of palisades, and they call their castle 


Asserue. 1 Those of the Bear are the next to these, and their cas- 
tle is called by them Banagiro. 2 The last are a progeny of these, 
and their castle is called Thenondiogo* These Indian tribes each 
carry the beast after which they are named (as the arms in 
their banner) when they go to war against their enemies, and 
this is done as well for the terror of their enemies, as for a sign 
of their own bravery. Lately one of their chiefs came to me 
and presented me with a beaver, an otter, and some cloth he 
had stolen from the French, which I must accept as a token of 
good fellowship. When he opened his budget he had in it a 
dried head of a bear, with grinning teeth. I asked him what 
that meant? He answered me that he fastened it upon his 
left shoulder by the side of his head, and that then he was the 
devil, who cared for nothing, and did not fear any thing. 

The government among them consists of the oldest, the most 
intelligent, the most eloquent and most warlike men. These 
commonly resolve, and then the young and warlike men exe- 
cute. But if the common people do not approve of the resolu- 
tion, it is left entirely to the judgment of the mob. The chiefs 
are generally the poorest among them, for instead of their 
receiving from the common people as among Christians, they 
are obliged to give to the mob; especially when any one is 
killed in war, they give great presents to the next of kin of the 
deceased; and if they take any prisoners they present them 
to that family of which one has been killed, and the prisoner is 
then adopted by the family into the place of the deceased 
person. There is no punishment here for murder and other 
villainies, but every one is his own avenger. The friends of the 
deceased revenge themselves upon the murderer until peace is 
made by presents to the next of kin. But although they are so 
cruel, and live without laws or any punishments for evil doers, 
yet there are not half so many villainies or murders committed 
amongst them as amongst Christians; so that I oftentimes 
think with astonishment upon all the murders committed in 
the Fatherland, notwithstanding their severe laws and heavy 
penalties. These Indians, though they live without laws, or 
fear of punishment, do not (at least, they very seldom) kill 

1 Assereawe appears on Van der Donck's map on the north side of the Mohawk 
River, not far up. 

2 Kanagiro; see p. 142, supra. 'See p. 145, supra. 


people, unless it may be in a great passion, or a hand-to-hand 
fight. Wherefore we go wholly unconcerned along with the 
Indians and meet each other an hour's walk off in the woods, 
without doing any harm to one another. 




PIETERSZ. DE VRIES, 1633-1643 (1655) 


THE author from whom the following extracts are taken 
was a voyager who, after retiring from active life to his native 
city in Holland, occupied his leisure by writing and printing an 
account of his adventures. This very curious and rare little 
book, which was published at Alkmaar in 1655, is entitled: 
Korte Historiael, ende Journaels Aenteyckeninge van verscheyden 
Voyagiens in de vier deelen des Wereldts-Ronde, als Europa, 
Africa, Asia, ende Amerika gedaen, Door D. David Pietersz. de 
Vries, Artillerij-Meester vande Ed: M: Heeren Gecommit- 
teerde Raden van Staten van West-Vrieslandt ende 't Noorden- 
quartier. Waer in verhaelt werd wat Batailjes hy te Water 
gedaen heeft: Yder Landtschap zijn Gedierte, Gevogelt, wat 
soorte van Vissen, ende wat wilde Menschen naer 't leven gecon- 
terfaeyt, ende van de Bosschen ende Ravieren met haer Vruchten. 
VHoorn. Voor David Pietersz. de Vries } Artillerij-Meester van 't 
Noorder-quartier. Tot Alckmaer, by Symon Cornelisz. Breke- 
geest, Anno 1655. 

This title may be translated: " Short Historical and Jour- 
nal-Notes of various Voyages performed in the Four Quarters 
of the Globe, viz., Europe, Africa, Asia and America, by 
David Pieterszoon de Vries, Artillery-Master to the Noble and 
Mighty Lords the Council of West Friesland and the Northern 
Quarter [of the Province of Holland], wherein is set forth what 
Battles he delivered on the Water, Each Country, its Animals, 
its Birds, its Kinds of Fishes, and its Wild Men counterfeited 
to the Life, and its Woods and Rivers with their Products." 

The book is a small black-letter quarto of 192 pages, em- 
bellished with a portrait of the author and 18 other plates, 



apparently etchings on copper, fairly well executed. Several 
of these relate to America, but being borrowed from Champlain 
they have no independent value. The portrait is marked 
"jEta. 60 Anno MDCLIIL", so that the author was born in 
1593 or 1594. 

David de Vries was born in Rochelle, France. His father 
sprang from an old family in Hoora, North Holland, but had 
been settled in Rochelle since 1584; his mother was of Amster- 
dam origin, and had been in Rochelle but three months. 
From his fourth year De Vries lived mostly in Holland, but he 
assures us that he was " experienced from my youth in merchan- 
dising, both here and in France." 

The voyages which the quaint little book chronicles, and in 
which the author's part was usually that of a supercargo, began 
in 1618, with a voyage to the Mediterranean. In 1620 he 
went to Newfoundland, then to the Mediterranean, where he 
won a notable fight against privateers off Cartagena, and at 
Toulon was invited by the Duke of Guise, admiral of France, to 
take service under him. An attempt to go to Canada for furs, 
in 1624, was frustrated by the new Dutch West India Company. 
From 1627 to 1630 he was occupied with an East India voyage, 
of which he gives a long account. 

The fourth, fifth and sixth voyages were made to America. 
In 1630, when De Vries had been at home but two months, an 
old acquaintance, Samuel Godyn, a director in the West India 
Company, engaged his interest in a patroonship on the South 
or Delaware River, which was to be possessed in partnership 
by Godyn, Kiliaen van Rensselaer, Samuel Blommaert, Johan 
de Laet and David de Vries. In 1631 an expedition sent out 
by them founded a small settlement which they called Swanen- 
dael, on the west side of Delaware Bay, near the present town 
of Lewes the first settlement in Delaware; but it was soon 
destroyed by the Indians. In 1632 De Vries went out as 
patroon and commander of a ship and yacht, which, proceeding 


by way of the West Indies, arrived in Delaware Bay December 
5. His party inspected the ruins of Swanendael, got from the 
Indians the story of its destruction, and remained in the river, 
warily trading with them, till March. Then De Vries sailed 
away to Virginia for corn, and in April, 1633, came up along the 
coast of Manhattan. At this point our extracts begin, and the 
story of De Vries, and of New Netherland as he saw it, can 
thenceforward be followed in our text and notes till October, 
1636, and again from September, 1638, to June, 1644, the last 
period being occupied with attempts to plant settlements on 
Staten Island and at Tappaan (Vriesendael), both frustrated 
by the outbreak of Kieft's war. 

Of De Vries's later life nothing seems to be known. The 
date of the portrait, and the slip of the pen by which he writes 
one of his dates 1654 (see p. 227), may be taken as evidence 
that he wrote his book in that year. But no doubt he wrote it, 
in its later or American parts, from contemporary notes, of the 
nature of a journal. It is true that in certain spots he borrows 
somewhat unconscionably; and his bias is that of a patroon, 
critical of the Company's management. But in the main the 
narrative is of original value, the observations those of a capa- 
ble and energetic trader and a good manager, expressing him- 
self in a homely style but vividly. We owe to him many 
interesting pictures of life in the young colony, and especially 
of the ill-advised and exceedingly disastrous warfare waged 
by Kieft against the Indians. 

All the parts of De Vries's book relating to Newfoundland, 
New Netherland and Virginia are presented, in translation by 
Henry C. Murphy, in the Collections of the New York Historical 
Society, second series, III. 1-129, and were separately printed 
in 1853 by James Lenox. The present issue is confined to the 
portions relating to New Netherland. Mr. Murphy's transla- 
tion has been carefully revised by comparison with the original, 
the first pages by Professor A. Clinton Crowell, of Brown 
University, the greater part by the editor. 

PIETERSZ. DE VRIES, 1633-1643 (1655) 

THE fifteenth 1 in the morning it was so foggy that we did 
not see our large ship. We heard the ground-swell and surf; 
threw the lead, and found it eight fathoms deep. Let the 
anchor fall. It was shelly ground. Fished with a drop-line, 
and caught in a couple of hours eighty-four codfish, very good- 
flavored sweet fish, better than those in Newfoundland. It 
began to blow from the southwest, and to be bright and clear 
again. So we weighed anchor and made sail. Found our- 
selves before Barende-gat, 2 where the coast began to stretch to 
the northeast by north, and southwest by south. Towards 
evening we saw the high mountains, which make a high point 
running along the sea, for the most part east-southeast, and 
west-southwest. This is the first mountainous land which 
you meet when you come from the south. We sailed that 
evening around Sandy Hook, which forms a large bay close by 
the point, and is also called Godyn's Point, where we anchored 
that evening in the bay in seven-fathom water. 

The 16th, weighed anchor, and ran over to Staten Island, 
all along the shore of which runs a great sand-bank, entirely 
flat. It is necessary to sound the southeast side, but it will 
not do to come nearer than from three to four and a half 
fathoms with a large ship. Arrived about noon before Fort 
Amsterdam, and found a Company's ship there, called the 
Souibergh, with a prize taken on the way, laden with sugar. 
She had brought a new governor, Wouter van Twiller of 
Nieuw-Kercke. 3 He had been a clerk in the West India 
House at Amsterdam. They had left Holland after us. I 

1 Of April, 1633. 3 Barnegat. 

3 Wouter van Twiller, Director General of New Netherland from April, 1633, 
to the end of 1637, was the son of a sister of Kiliaen van Rensselaer. His adminis- 
tration was marked by much incompetence. He maintained strictly the rights of 



went ashore to the fort, out of which he came to welcome me, 
and inquired of me also, how the whale-fishery succeeded. 
I answered him that we had a sample; but that they were 
foolish who undertook the whale-fishery here at such great 
expense, when they could have readily ascertained with one, 
two, or three sloops in New Netherland, whether it was good 
fishing or not. Godyn had been a manager of the Company 
as long as the Company had been in existence, and also of the 
Greenland Company at Amsterdam, and ought to have known 
how it at first ought to have been undertaken with little 
expense. While we stood thus discoursing, our sloop came 
from the large ship to the shore, from which we learned that 
they had come to anchor at Sandy Hook, and would remain 
there until I gave other orders. In the mean time, I intended 
to despatch my yacht to New England and New France, to 
explore the bay. 

The 18th, arrived here an Englishman, 1 who came from 
New England to trade in the river, having on board a trader 
named Jacob Eelkes, 2 who had, during the time of the private 
association, navigated and commanded on the river, but 
whom the Company would not employ, seeking out unfit 
persons like this governor, whom they had made out of a clerk 
into a governor, who was the sport of the people. This English- 
man invited the governor to come and see him. I went with him, 
in company with a number of people, who became intoxicated, 
and got into such high words, that the Englishman could not 
understand how it was that there should be such unruliness 
among the officers of the Company, and that a governor should 
have no more control over them; he was not accustomed to 
it among his countrymen. The Englishman remained six or 
seven days lying before the fort, and then said he wished to 

the Company as over against settlers and patroons, and quarrelled with the minis- 
ter, Reverend Everardus Bogardus, who came out with him in the Soutberg, and 
with many others. 

1 /. e., an English ship (the William, of London). 

2 The same whom Wassenaer mentions, p. 86, supra, as commander at Fort 
Nassau before the days of the West India Company, whom the Company dis- 
charged for misconduct. Depositions by him and the English sailors of the 
William, giving their side of the transactions which follow, are printed in N. Y. 
Col. Doc., I. 72-81. Van Twiller finally sent a force up the river, which broke 
up the Englishmen's trade with the Indians, and escorted them out to sea. 


go up the river, and that the land was theirs. This we denied, 
declaring that they had never made any settlement there. 
He said that David Hutson first discovered this river, and he 
was an Englishman. We answered that he had indeed dis- 
covered the river in the year Nine, but he was fitted out at 
Amsterdam, at the expense of the East India Company; and 
that the river was now called Mauritius River, after our Prince 
of Orange. 

The 24th, the Englishman weighed anchor and sailed up 
the river to Fort Orange, where this Jacob Eelkes had formerly 
resided as commander for the private company; when Com- 
mander Wouter van Twiller assembled all his forces before 
his door, had a cask of wine brought out, filled a bumper, and 
cried out for those who loved the Prince of Orange and him, 
to do the same as he did, and protect him from the outrage of 
the Englishman, who was already out of sight sailing up the 
river. The people all began to laugh at him; for they under- 
stood well how to drink dry the cask of wine, as it was just the 
thing that suited them, even if there had been six casks, and 
did not wish to trouble the Englishman, saying they were 
friends. As I sat at the table with him at noon, I told him 
that he had committed great folly, as the Englishman had 
no commission to navigate there, but a paper of the custom- 
house that he had paid so much duty, and might sail with so 
many passengers to New England, but not to New Netherland. 
I said, if it were my matter, I would have helped him away 
from the fort with beans from the eight-pounders, and not per- 
mitted him to sail up the river would rather have cut off 
his tail, as he said he was a man from England. 1 I told him 
if the English committed any excesses against us in the East 
Indies, we should strike back at them; that otherwise one can- 
not control that nation, for they were of so proud a nature, 
that they thought everything belonged to them; were it an 
affair of mine, I would send the ship Soutberg after him, and 
have him hauled down the river, and drive him from it until he 
brought another commission than a custom-house license; 
that they were only making sport of him. 

The 20th of May, I wished to send my yacht to the north by 
the way of Hell-gate, as I began to make preparations to return 

1 An allusion to the ancient legend that Englishmen had tails. 


with the large ship to Holland, when this governor commenced 
his pranks of the head, and began again to act foolishly as if he 
were drunk. He did not want the yacht to go to the north, and 
sent alongside of it a schapan a flat lighter-boat, in which 
the whole yacht could easily have been contained and wanted 
to unload the yacht, in which were five or six lasts of brick 
ballast. Then I protested to him, pointing to the privileges 
granted by the College of Nineteen, and approved by the 
States General, and that I did not wish him to unload the 
yacht. If he desired to inspect the yacht, the same as was 
customary by all princes and potentates, he might do that, and 
see whether there was anything in it that concerned the 
Company. He then ordered the guns at the angles of the fort 
to be so trained as to shoot at the yacht, when I ran to where 
he stood at the angle with the secretary and one or two of his 
council, and asked them whether the land was full of fools; if 
they wished to shoot anything, they should have shot at the 
Englishman, who was violating their river in spite of them. 
Upon this expostulation they desisted from shooting, and set 
about preparing a yacht to sail along with our yacht. So 
they both sailed to the north after I had despatched my yacht. 
When we had made everything ready, and were about to 
take our leave of the governor, he then came to annoy me anew. 
He did not want me to go with my boat to embark until his 
boat had first boarded our ship, in order to search her. I told 
him that there was nothing to be searched. I was bound 
home, and if he wished to make his letters ready, he could do 
so, and send them afterwards; meanwhile I would go to my 
boat. He immediately sent twelve musketeers after me, in 
order that we should not depart. My boat's crew asked 
whether they should row away in the boat. I said, if I were in 
the boat I should have them do so, and had they my courage 
they would. They immediately did so, and the musketeers 
were ridiculed with shouts and jeers by all the bystanders, who 
cried out that they should have stopped the Englishman with 
shot and muskets, from sailing past the fort up the river, and 
not our own patroons of the country, who sought to promote 
its interests. After a little while I passed over to Long Island, 
where, behind Nut Island, I had commanded my boat to row. 
Before I crossed over, I went once more to the fort, and took 


my leave of the commander. I told him I wished that he had 
omitted the folly of attempting to prevent my departure by 
his soldiers, as he had only made himself a subject of sport 
among his people ; if he desired to write any letters to his mas- 
ters, the Managers, he might send them after me in the bay, but 
I would go my own way. I crossed over the bay to my boat at 
Long Island. Night coming on, and the flood-tide making, I 
thought it most prudent to let my people row over to Pavonia 
and there wait the ebb. Reaching Pavonia, we were immedi- 
ately well entertained by the agent of Michael Poulusz, 1 who 
prepared letters to send to his master. Meanwhile we waited 
for the tide. But our people overslept a little their time, as I 
had ordered them to be on hand as soon as the ebb began to run. 
We passed the fort again early in the morning before break of 
day, and before the reveille was beaten in the fort. 

We arrived about noon again at our ship which was lying 
at Sandy Hook. Saw our ship's boat lying on the point, where 
our people were catching fish with a seine, and went there to 
tell them to come aboard as soon as they had made a haul or 
two. The sail-boat from the fort was also alongside, having 
sailed before us in order to bring their letters to us. They 
tacked away, and were crossing to see what we were doing on 
the point with our boat. I went towards them immediately, 
and, coming by them, they inquired of me what I was doing 
with my boat when I passed by the ship. I answered that it 
did not concern them, so they returned again alongside. In this 
boat were the schoutj Notelman, and the secretary, Remunt. 2 
Coming aboard, I bid them welcome to the ship ; and I had 
my goods taken from my boat into the ship, among which 
were a dozen beaver-skins. These, the secretary said, were 
confiscated, because they had not been entered at the fort. 
I told him to take them then ; but the schout said I might let 
them lie, we were not now at the fort, and might let him try our 
wine, as he was a good bibber, as all of them were. I an- 
swered that water was good enough for them, for they might 
otherwise fall overboard. At length, the schout asked why we 
were quarrelling here; he was very thirsty, and would go to 

'Michiel Pauw. 

3 Conrad Notelman and Jan van Remund, the successor of Rasieres. DC 
Vries, in defending himself, appealed to art. XV. of the Privileges and Exemptions. 



the cabin; if there was anything wrong, the patroon might 
answer for it in Holland. Because the schout spoke so well, I 
told him he might come to the cabin, and I would let him fill 
a glass from the best cask; if the other one wished to make 
trouble, they might leave; I was now in my own ship, not under 
their jurisdiction. The secretary then said they could send 
the ship Souiberg after us to board us. I told him they might 
do so, for the Souiberg had sugar in her, and our crew would 
be right glad to eat sugar in their groats, as we would have a 
chance to do. I said to the secretary, that we were surprised 
that the West India Company would send such fools into this 
country, who knew nothing, except to drink; that they could 
not come to be assistants in the East Indies; and that the 
Company, by such management, must come to naught. In 
the East Indies, no one was appointed governor, unless he had 
first had long service, and was found to be fit for it; first, 
by serving as an assistant, under-koopman, and afterwards 
as koopman and finally chief-koopman, 1 and promoted then 
according to their merits; but the West India Company sent, 
in the first instance, as superior officers, persons who never 
had command in their lives, for which reason it must come to 
naught. Upon this, they again returned, with their boat, to 
the fort, which is five leagues from Sandy Hook. The bay 
inside of Sandy Hook is a large one, where fifty to sixty ships 
can lie, well protected from the winds of the sea. Sandy Hook 
stretches a full half league from the hills, forming a flat sandy 
beach, about eight or nine paces wide, and is covered with 
small blue-plum trees, which there grow wild. 

The 15th June, we weighed anchor, and made sail for Father- 
land. When we were under sail, an Englishman came sailing 
towards us, who would have run straight upon the bar, and 
lost his ship, if I, perceiving this, had not fired a shot to warn 
him, and I sent my boat to him, and he immediately sailed 
towards me, and perceived that he was not in the right channel. 
Coming by us, he proved to be an acquaintance Captain 
Stoons [Stone], 2 of whom I have before spoken whose boat 

1 Koopman= commercial agent. 

1 Captain Stone figures in Bradford, pp. 310, 311 of the edition in this series, 
as having made Van Twiller drunk and then, obtaining his consent, having seized 
a bark with a valuable cargo of furs belonging to the Plymouth men. Bradford 


had suffered such distress in the West Indies, and whom I had 
also met in the English Virginias. His ship was laden with 
cows and young cattle, bound to New England. As he was in 
want of water, he wished to put in here to take in some. He 
sought of me, for the sake of our acquaintance, whether I 
would furnish him a man to pilot him in. I asked our crew 
whether there was any one of them who wished to make a 
longer voyage, and who would be transferred to this English- 
man; when one was found who wished to make a long voyage, 
whom I gave over to him, and I laid my course southeasterly 
to sea, as Long Island lies east and west. The compass here falls 
off seventeen degrees northwest, or more than a point and a half. 
The 17th, changed our course to east by south, at the forti- 
eth degree of latitude, and then ran east, so as to pass in sight 
of Korves. 1 . . . 

[Second Voyage to America.] 2 

The 16th, s came in sight of the mainland, and sounded 
fourteen fathoms on sandy bottom. Saw the sand-hills of 
Virginia, and were near Cape Engano, 4 in latitude 34 and 35. 

The 17th, came before the harbor of the English Virginias, 
and as there was no one in the ship except myself who had been 
there, the helmsman and boatswain came into the cabin, and 
carried me on deck, in order to sail the ship in. We arrived 
about four o'clock in the afternoon before the fort called Point 
Comfort, where we found a ship from London, in which was 
Sir John Haway, 5 governor on behalf of the King of England. 
He was sent to London by his council and the people, who had 
made a new governor, which later turned out badly for them. 
I landed here all the English whom I had rescued, 6 and endeav- 

wrongly inserts the episode under 1634. Stone soon came to Boston, and was 
prosecuted there. His murder in Connecticut River was one of the immediate 
causes of the Pequot War. See Winthrop, I. 102, 108, 118, 139. Winthrop's 
date, June 2 (June 12 N. S.), for Stone's arrival at Boston hardly accords with that 
here given by De Vries. 

1 Corvo (Azores). 

2 De Vries arrived in Amsterdam July 24, 1633. He sailed July 10, 1634, to 
the Wild Coast (Guiana) and to the West Indies, whence he sailed up the coast 
of the mainland to Virginia. 

3 May 16, 1635. 4 Hatteras. 5 Harvey. 

8 Refugees from the Tortugas, where the Spaniards had broken up an English 


ored to obtain some provisions, in order to sail to New Nether- 
land, to make my ship tight, as it was extremely leaky, which 
I could not do in the English Virginias. As it was out of 
season to trade for tobacco, I let all of my cargo lie here, and 
gave directions to trade when the crop of tobacco should be 
ripe, and I would return again when the unhealthy season 
should be over, that is towards September for June, July, and 
half of August are very unhealthy there for those who have 
not lived there a year. The English die there at this season 
very fast, but one who has been there over a year, they say is 
seasoned; that is, he is accustomed to the land. They attrib- 
ute the mortality in this land, which lies in latitude thirty-six 
to thirty-seven degrees, to the variableness of the climate; one 
hour it is so hot, at this season, that a man cannot endure the 
heat, the next hour the wind shifts to the northwest with such 
freshness, that he has to put on an overcoat, and that causes 
the great unhealthiness, as one may expect in unseasonable 

The 28th, after I had provided myself again with every- 
thing, we weighed anchor, and sailed for New Netherland, 
where we arrived safe behind the point towards the evening 
of the 30th. 

The 1st of June I went ashore with a boat to Fort Am- 
sterdam, where I found Wouter van Twiller governor, as 
before. Asked him if he would let me hire some carpenters, 
in order to repair my ship, which was very leaky; if not, I 
would sail to New Netherland [New England]. He promised 
me assistance. I then sent my boat back, in order to let my 
ship come in, which was five leagues from there, and sent also 
a young man aboard who might pilot her in, who had form- 
erly, when I went to the East Indies, been in my service. 
When my boat was about half an hour from the ship, there 
arose a thunder-storm, which they could not well weather, and 
the boat got full of water, and drove for two nights and three 
days at sea. I wondered very much why my ship delayed so, 
with a good wind, with which she could sail in in three hours. 
I sent to the ship one of the Company's pleasure boats, which, 
the next day but one, came sailing in with the ship; and there 
came an Indian from the island l to the fort, bringing news that 

1 Long Island. 


my boat had come ashore, and that the young man, Flips 1 
Jansz. of Haerlem, was in it, and that they had found him 
lying a fathom or two from the breakers, and had brought 
him to their savage huts, as he was entirely exhausted, and 
that the other five men from the ship were lost. The boat the 
Indians had hauled up on the land. 

The 5th, the young man, who had been so wonderfully 
saved, came to the fort and told us, that when he encountered 
the travado, 2 there were two Frenchmen in the boat, who 
betook themselves to the sea, when the boat became full of 
water, intending to swim to the ship, but they were never seen 
again. The first night, as they were all seated in the water 
in the boat, two more of them betook themselves to the water, 
intending to swim to the land, but they were not seen again. 
Flips Jansz. and my boatswain, who was with him, remained 
in the boat the second night; and the third day in the after- 
noon, the boatswain told this young man Flips Jansz., who was 
to pilot the ship in, that he also would abandon the boat ; but 
Flips Jansz. answered that he would remain in the boat, and 
wait the providence of God. In about a quarter of an hour 
after the boatswain was out of the boat, and had taken his 
leave of him, he was thrown with the boat on land by the sea 
and breakers, and he ran through the breakers five or six paces 
from the water, and was so weak and hungry that he could not 
go further, and there the Indian found him. He said, that 
while they were seated in the boat, and driven about with it 
full of water, there were spooks about them, and one came who 
offered him food and drink ; and, at length, one appeared like a 
fine lady; so I suppose that these apparitions were only their 
light-headedness from the hunger and hardships which they 
suffered. 3 We prepared to empty the ship, in order to get at 
the leak, and unloaded her, and hauled her upon the strand, as 
the water rises and falls here seven feet with every daily tide 
and at spring-tides nine to ten feet, according to the force of the 
wind. We spent here the unhealthy season of the English 
Virginias June, July, and August. 

The 1st of September, we were lying ready to go to the 
English Virginias, to see whether we could obtain our dues 

1 Philip. 2 A coastwise storm, with lightning and rain. 

3 See Winthrop, I. 158, in this series, and Mather's Magnolia, bk. vi., ch. I. 


from the rescued English, whom I had brought from the 
Tortugas, and for the goods left there. While I was taking 
my leave of the governor, the bark of the Company arrived, 
bringing fourteen or fifteen English with them, who had taken 
Fort Nassau from our people, as our people had no one in it, 
and intended to guard it with sloops; but they found that they 
must take possession of it again, or else it would be lost to the 
English. 1 This arrival of the Englishmen delayed me six days 
longer, as Governor Wouter van T wilier desired that I should 
take them to the English Virginias, where the English were 
expected to assist them. They therefore took their leave of 
Wouter van Twiller, who was governor, and came, bag and 
baggage, on board my vessel. 

The 8th, we again got under sail with these Englishmen. 
Their commander was named Mr. Joris Hooms. 2 We sailed 
with a strong northwest wind, along the weather-shore. 

The 10th we arrived at Point Comfort, before the English 
fort, landed the Englishmen whom we had brought with us 
at Cieketan, 3 where we found a bark lying with twenty men, 
bound for the Suytravie 4 to aid them, but our arrival with 
their people prostrated their design. We sailed up the river 
eight leagues, to Blank Point, and found there thirty-six large 
ships all of them English ships of twenty to twenty-four guns 
for the purpose of loading with tobacco. Fifteen of the 
captains were dead, in consequence of their coming too early 
in the unhealthy season, and not having been before in the 

The 1st of October, I began to sail up and down the river 
to my customers, in order to collect my debts; but found that 
little tobacco had been made, and that there had been this 
year great mortality among the people, and large quantities 
of goods brought into the country by the English; and that 
there were great frauds among the English, who had not paid 
each other for the tobacco, and that half the ships of their own 

1 This party under Holmes had been sent out by West, provisional governor of 
Virginia, and had taken Fort Nassau, on the Delaware. Van Twiller had sent 
thither a bark belonging to the Company, which had dislodged them. 

3 George Holmes. 

3 Kecoughtan stood on the present site of the Soldiers' Home near Hampton, 
Virginia. 4 South River. 


nation were not laden; so that I consider, in regard to this 
trade, that he who wishes to trade here, must keep a house 
here, and continue all the year, that he may be prepared, when 
the tobacco comes from the field, to seize it, if he would obtain 
any of his debts. It is thus the English do among themselves; 
so that there is no trade for us, unless there be an overplus of 
tobacco, or few English ships. 

After I had spent the winter here, I was compelled to return, 
as did almost all the ships, without tobacco, and to let my debts 
stand. I determined to go off again, and sold some beaver to 
the English. 

ANNO 1636. The 28th April, I came with my ship again to 
the fort before Ciketan, where I learnt that my colony, which I 
had established on the Wild Coast, 1 was broken up by the dis- 
orders of some English and seamen who were among them. 
Those who want to plant a colony must not let any sailors 
among them, unless the place be so situated that they carry on 
some trade with vessels. The cause of abandoning the place 
was : there came a Spaniard with slaves to seek for water, when 
our people induced the Indians to show them the water. In 
the mean time our people ran off the bark and killed the 
Spaniards. And then the English, who were among our people, 
went to them and told them that if they would go to the 
Islands with the bark, they (the English) must be the captains; 
for they would be going to their own nation, and would there 
share the booty, but our people must acknowledge that they 
were their servants ; and thus they left our fine colony, which, 
if they had remained there for two months, would have yielded 
an hundred and fifty thousand guilders' worth of cotton, 
oranges, and tobacco. But these scoundrels got their reward 
for abandoning this colony so well begun. When they reached 
the Islands, the English, who had the title of captains, sold the 
prize, and the sailors as servants. The English are a villainous 
people, and would sell their own fathers for servants in the 

The 6th of May, weighed anchor to sail to NewNetherland. 
The English Virginias are an unfit place for our nation to trade, 
unless they continue the trade from year to year. 

The 7th, we saw the South River north by west of us, 

1 Guiana. 


about three leagues. Sounded upon the bar which runs along 
the coast in four fathoms, and veered off because of its being 
so shallow. 

The 8th, arrived towards evening at Sandy Hook, and stood 
in immediately, so that about two o'clock at night we anchored 
under the fort, without their being aware of our arrival. At 
break of day I fired three guns, which caused the people to 
spring out of their beds all at once, for they were not accus- 
tomed for any one to come upon them by such surprise. I 
went ashore immediately to speak to the commander, Wouter 
van Twiller, as my ship was very leaky. When I came to the 
said commander, I was welcomed by him, and I requested as- 
sistance to repair my ship. 

The 6th, 1 hauled the ship into the Smith's Flats, 2 where we 
unloaded all our goods and careened the ship. 

The 25th, we hauled into the stream again, and found her 
still leaky, and then resolved that we would let the ship lie, 
and put the goods aboard the East [West] India Company's 
ship ; but as that was not large, and would not be able to carry 
our goods, we determined to consult the carpenters whether 
there was any means of making our own ship answer, and for 
that purpose sought thoroughly after the leak, and found, what 
we had not supposed, that it was in the keel, which was entirely 
eaten by the worms. We then resolved to go into the woods, 
and cut a good oak tree; where we procured a new keel, sixty 
feet long, and made the ship tight again, and hauled her up the 

The 25th of June, I went with the commander and minister, 8 
to Pavonia, over from the fort, in the colony of Michael Pauw, 
where the person who was in command there for Michael 
Pauw, was named Cornelis van Vorst. He had arrived, with 
a small English bark, from the Northern English, bringing 
with him from thence good Bordeaux wines; and as the com- 
mander was fond of tasting good wines, he went over there. 
Whilst we were there, it so happened that there were some 
words between the commander and minister and Cornelis van 

1 This is evidently a misprint for 16th. 

* Smits Vly, a tract of low land extending along the shore of the East River 
from the site of Wall Street to that of Beekman Street. 
3 Reverend Everardus Bogardus. 


Vorst, in relation to a murder that had been committed there ; 
but they separated afterwards good friends, when Cornelis van 
Vorst, wishing to give the commander a parting salute, fired a 
pederero which stood upon a palisade before his house, when a 
spark flew upon the house, which was thatched with rushes, 
and in half an hour it was entirely consumed. We returned to 
the fort, and I went to the ship and set to work to haul every- 
thing aboard again. Whilst we were engaged in shipping our 
goods, two prizes, taken by the English, arrived. They had 
first, with a sloop and eighteen men of them, taken near 
Carthagena a fine new and fast-sailing frigate of about thirty 
lasts, 1 laden with tobacco and hides, and then with it took a 
small bark, having hides aboard. They brought them to New 
Netherland, and ran into the South River, where they found 
one of our trading sloops, which brought them to Fort Amster- 
dam. These fellows were fitted out by my Lord Warwick, in 
order to begin a settlement at the Island of Nombre de Dios; 2 
but through want of assistance and provisions were compelled 
to abandon it, and had obtained a copy of a commission from 
one of our privateers, with which they had performed this feat. 
They sold their prizes here at our fort, and shipped their goods 
in the West India Company's ship and put ten of the English- 
men in mine. As to which the captain maintained that he was 
ill-treated, as he wished to have his men with his goods; and 
wanted to have his goods in my ship, as I would have taken all 
his men with me also; but Commander Wouter van Twiller 
compelled him to ship all his goods in the Company's ship, 
and compelled me to carry over ten of the Englishmen, all which 
dealing by force was very unreasonable. 

The 8th of August, the gunner of the fort gave a parting 
feast, and had a tent erected on one bastion of the fort, where a 
table and benches were set and many people bidden. When 
the banquet was at its highest, the trumpeter began to blow, 
as to which some words were passed; when the keeper of the 
store, Heyndrick Hudden, and the keeper of the merchandise, 

1 About sixty tons. 

2 There seems to be no island of Nombre de Dios; but as the town of that 
name, on the Isthmus of Panama, was not far from Providence Island, where the 
Earl of Warwick and his associates were at this time planting, it may be presumed 
that this island is meant. 


Corelaer, railed at the trumpeter, who gave eacn ot them a 
sdnter quanter, 1 whereupon they ran home, and brought out a 
sword, and wished to have revenge upon the trumpeter. They 
went to the house of the commander and used much foolish 
language, one calling out, "I am the same man who took the 
life of Count Floris." But when they had slept upon it, their 
soldiership was all over, and they rather feared the trumpeter 
than sought him ; and thus the matter passed over. 

The 9th, let my ship sail up the river to the Great Fall, 
which is a league beyond Menates Island, in order to take in 
water and wood. 

The 13th, I requested Wouter van Twilliger to register 
Staten Island for me, as I wished to return and plant a colony 
upon it, which he consented to do. I took my leave of him 
and went aboard. Weighed anchor, and by evening came to 
anchor at Sandy Hook, in company with the Company's 
ship, The Seven Stars. 

The 15th, weighed anchor, as did also the Company's ship, 
and set sail for Fatherland, to which may Almighty God 
conduct us. , 

Here I make my Third Voyage to America and New Netherland, 
in order to plant a Colony upon Staten Island for myself 
and Frederick de Vries, Secretary of the City of Amster- 
dam, and a Manager of the West India Company : under- 
taken at his Request. 

ANNO 1638. The 25th of September I joined a Company's 
ship, 2 freighted by them, and in which were some persons in 
my service. On the same day, weighed anchor and set sail in 
company with some ships bound to the Straits, 3 and two to 

The 28th, near the Kiscassen, 4 a Dunkirk frigate came into 
our fleet, and began to shoot at some of our ships, but received 

1 A box on the ear. 

3 De Liefde (Love or Charity). The company had just thrown New Nether- 
land open to free trade and had offered better inducements to emigrants than 

* Of Gibraltar. 4 The Caskets, seven miles west of Alderney. 


so prompt an answer, that he thanked God that he got away 
from us. 

The 9th of October, we saw the island of Madeira east of 
us; the wind northwest, and so remained with us to the 
sixteenth degree of latitude, before we obtained the trade wind 
from the northeast. 

The 28th, we had a west wind with gusts. We were about 
two hundred leagues from the Cribes 1 Islands the Island de 
Seada 2 west of us and were much surprised to have, in the 
track of the trade, such a contrary wind, which continued with 
us five days with much violence. 

The 8th November, came in sight of Ladeada, the first 
island which Franciscus Colombe saw when he discovered the 
West Indies. 

The 10th, we arrived at the Island of Neeres, 3 and anchored 
in a fine sandy bay, and went ashore to the governor, who 
treated me well, and would have me spend the evening with 
him; but imprisoned the master of the ship for refusing the 
anchorage duty, who was a clownish boor, and was not ac- 
customed to this navigation; so I settled with the governor 
what was to be paid, and he was set at liberty again. 

The 13th, weighed anchor, and went to St. Christophers, 
where we lay at the sandy point for three days, and then left. 

The 16th, having weighed anchor in order to proceed on 
our voyage to New Netherland, sailed at noon along by St. 
Martin and Anguilies, 4 and by evening saw Sombareren. 5 
When we sailed by Aguillies, the helmsman tried to make me 
believe it was Sombareren; so well do pilots sometimes remem- 
ber where they daily go, that they hardly know whether they 
see one island or another. 

The 18th December, sounded in thirty fathoms in the thirty- 
seventh degree of latitude, and ran into twenty-three fathoms, 
and tacked again from the shore, as evening approached. 
Thus they converted a good wind into a bad one. I told the 
pilot, who was ignorant of this navigation, that he must run 
into fourteen fathoms, to approach the land, for if we turned 
at night towards the sea from twenty-three fathoms, we could 
not during the day get into fourteen fathoms again, as in this 
latitude a strong current set out from the bay of the English 

1 Caribbee. 3 Deseada. 3 Nevis. * Anguilla. s Sombrero. 


Virginias. I could not make him understand what I told him, 
till finally, in consequence of the time that was lost, he was 
compelled to give heed to me. Early in the morning of the 
24th, we came opposite Barnde-gat, the wind northeast, 
blowing so hard that we ran out to sea; afterwards it blew 
a storm straight on the shore from the southeast, so that we 
sailed the whole night and also all the day of the 25th under one 
mainsail. It seems that we felt the same tempest here, as 
that in which so many ships and men were lost in the Texel. 

The 26th, moderate weather again, the wind southwest. 
Sought land again from on board, and about noon came in sight 
of the highlands of Sandy Hook, and at four o'clock reached 
the point, where the pilot wanted to cast anchor and fire a 
gun, in order that some one might come off and pilot the ship 
in. I told him that his cannon were not heavy enough for 
them to hear the report at the fort, as it was fully five leagues 
distant. Then the skipper said he would return to the West 
Indies, as he saw the island covered with snow, and wait 
there till summer. I answered him that, if we could not get 
in here, I would take him to the South River. But I could not 
make this mate and skipper understand that there was any 
South River, inasmuch as they had old false charts by which 
they wanted to sail. As there were some passengers who had 
dwelt several years in New Netherland, they urged him to ask 
me to take him in, as I had formerly come in safely with my own 
ship at night, as before related. The skipper then came to me, 
and asked me if I would sail the ship in, as I was well acquainted 
here. I answered him that I would do so for the sake of the 
passengers who were on board; and that he, at another time, if 
he took freight, should employ pilots who were acquainted with 
the places. So I brought the ship that same evening before 
Staten Island, which belonged to me, where I intended to 
settle my people, and in the dark let our anchor fall in eight 

The 27th, in the morning, the weather was very foggy, so 
that one could hardly see from the stem to the stern of the ship. 
The skipper then asked me whether we should lie there, as 
there was nothing in sight. I told him to weigh anchor, 
and, although it were even darker, I would, with that breeze, 
bring him before the fort in an hour. The anchor being raised, 


we quickly sailed to the fort, where there was great rejoicing, 
inasmuch as they were not expecting any ship at that time of 
year. Found there a commander, named Willem Kieft, 1 who 
had left France in a hurry, and had come in the spring, having 
wintered in the Bermudas, because they did not dare to venture 
upon the coast of New Netherland, in consequence of the igno- 
rance of their pilots. Going ashore, I was made welcome by the 
commander, who invited me to his house. 

ANNO 1639. The 5th January I sent my people to Staten 
Island to begin to plant a colony there and build. 

The 4th of June I started north in a yacht to the Fresh 
River, 2 where the West India Company have a small fort 
called the House of Hope, and towards evening came to anchor 
in Oyster Bay, which is a large bay which lies on the north side 
of the great island, which is about thirty leagues long. This 
bay runs up into the island, and is about two leagues wide from 
the mainland. There are fine oysters here, whence our nation 
has given it the name of Oyster Bay or Harbor. 

The 6th had good weather at break of day, and got under 
sail, and towards evening arrived at the Roode-berghs, 3 which 
is a fine haven. Found that the English had there begun to 
build a town on the mainland, where there were about three 
hundred houses and a fine church built. 

The 7th, having weighed anchor in the morning, arrived at 
the Fresh River about two o'clock in the afternoon, where at 
the mouth of the river the English have made a strong fort. 
There was a governor in it, who had a Netherland wife from 
Woerden, and he himself had formerly been an engineer and 
workbase 4 in Holland. They cannot sail with large ships into 
this river ; and vessels must not draw more than six feet water 
to navigate up to our little fort, which lies fifteen leagues from 
the mouth of the river. Besides, there are many shallow places, 
or stone reefs, over which the Indians go with canoes. Re- 

1 Kieft was Director General from September, 1637 (date of appointment), to 
July, 1646. He had been a bankrupt merchant at Rochelle, and proved to be an 
active but injudicious and quarrelsome governor. 

8 Connecticut. 3 Red Hills, i. e., New Haven, settled in 1638. 

4 Military engineer. This was Lion Gardiner, who had served under the 
Prince of Orange, and in 1636 had built this fort for the English patentees of Con- 
necticut, Lord Saye and Lord Brooke and their associates. In 1640 he removed 
to Gardiner's Island, which he had purchased from Lord Stirling. 


mained at night at this English fort, where we were well enter- 
tained by the governor. 

The 8th took our leave and went up the river; and, having 
proceeded about a league up the river, we met, between two 
high steep points, some Indians in canoes, who had on English 
garments, and among them was one who had on a red scarlet 
mantle. I inquired how he came by the mantle. He had 
some time ago killed one Captain Soon, 1 with his people, in a 
bark, from whom he had obtained these clothes. This was the 
captain of whom I have before spoken in my first voyage to 
America, whose boat met with a misfortune so that his 
men ate each other; and he had now lost his own life by the 

The 9th arrived with the yacht at the House of Hope, 2 
where one Gysbert van Dyck commanded with fourteen or 
fifteen soldiers. This redoubt stands upon the plain on the 
margin of the river; and alongside it runs a creek toward a 
high woodland, out of which comes a water-fall, which makes 
this creek, and where the English, in spite of us, have begun to 
build up a small town, and have built a fine church and over a 
hundred houses. The commander had given me orders to 
make a protest against them, as they were using our own 
land, which we had bought of the savages. Some of our 
soldiers had forbidden them to put the plough into it; but they 
had opposed them, and had cudgelled some of the Company's 
soldiers. Going there, I was invited by the English governor 3 
to dine. When sitting at the table, I told him that it was 
wrong to take by force the Company's land, which it had bought 
and paid for. He answered that the lands were lying idle; 
that, though we had been there many years, we had done 
scarcely anything; that it was a sin to let such rich land, which 
produced such fine corn, lie uncultivated; and that they had 
already built three towns upon this river, in a fine country. 
There are many salmon up this river. These English live 
soberly, drink only three times at a meal, and whoever drinks 

1 Misprint for Stoon= Stone. 

3 The House of Hope, or Fort Good Hope, had been built by Jacob van 
Curler in 1633. Its site was at " Dutch Point," at the mouth of Little River, within 
the present limits of Hartford. The English settlement of Hartford was begun 
in 1635. > John Haynes. 


himself drunk they tie to a post and whip him, as they do 
thieves in Holland. 

The 12th. Among the incidents which happened while I 
was here was that of an English ketch arriving here from the 
north, with thirty pipes of Canary wine. There was a super- 
cargo on it, who was from the same city, in England, as the ser- 
vant of the minister of this town, and was well acquainted 
with him. Now this supercargo invited the minister's servant 
on board the vessel to drink with him; and it seems that the 
man became fuddled with wine, or drank pretty freely, and 
was observed by the minister. So they were going to bring 
the servant to the church, where the post stood, in order to 
whip him. The supercargo then came to me, and requested me 
to speak to the minister, as it was my fault that he had given 
wine to his countryman. I accordingly went with the com- 
mander of our little fort, or redoubt, and invited the minister 
and the mayor and other leading men, with their wives, who 
were very fond of eating cherries, as there were from forty to 
fifty cherry-trees standing about the redoubt, full of cherries. 
We feasted the minister and the governor and their wives, who 
came to us; and, as we were seated at the meal in the redoubt, 
I, together with the supercargo, requested the minister to par- 
don his servant, saying that he probably had not partaken of 
any wine for a year, and that such sweet Canary wine would 
intoxicate any man. We were a long while before we could 
persuade him; but their wives spoke favorably, whereby the 
servant got free. While I was here another comical incident 
occurred. There was a young man who had been married two 
months. His brother accused him to the church because he 
had had intercourse with the woman before they were married; 
whereupon they both were called to account and whipped, and 
compelled to separate from each other for six weeks. These 
people give out that they are Israelites, and that we at our 
colony are Egyptians, and that the English in the Virginias are 
also Egyptians. I frequently told the governor that it would 
be impossible for them to keep the people so strict, seeing they 
had come from so luxurious a country as England. 

The 14th took leave of the House of Hope. This river is a 
fine pleasant stream, where many thousand Christians could 
live by farming. 


The 15th, early in the morning, we arrived again at the 
mouth of the river, and ran out of it. Sailed this day four 
leagues past Roode-bergh, and came into a river where the 
English had begun to make a village, and where over fifty 
houses were in process of erection, and a portion finished. 1 

The 16th weighed anchor, and sailed by two places which 
the English were building up, and about noon arrived where 
two Englishmen had built houses. One of the Englishmen 
was named Captain Patrick, whose wife was a Holland woman 
from the Hague. After we had been there two or three hours, 
proceeded on our voyage, and towards evening reached the 
Minates, before Fort Amsterdam, where we found two ships 
had arrived from our Fatherland. One was a ship of the 
Company, the Herring, the other was a private ship, the 
Burning of Troy, from Hoorn, laden with cattle on account of 
Jochem Pietersz., who had formerly been a commander in the 
East Indies, for the King of Denmark. 2 It was to be wished 
that one hundred to three hundred such families, with farm- 
laborers, had come, as this would very soon become a good 

The 10th February. I began to make a plantation, a 
league and a half or two leagues above the fort, as there was 
there a fine location, and full thirty-one morgens of maize-land, 
where tjiere were no trees to remove; and hay-land lying all 
together, sufficient for two hundred cattle, which is a great 
commodity there. I went there to live, half on account of the 
pleasure of it, as it was all situated along the river. I leased 
out the plantation of Staten Island, as no people had been sent 
me from Holland, as was promised me in the contract which I 
had made with Frederick de Vries, a director of the West India 

The 15th of April, I went with my sloop to Fort Orange, 
where I wanted to examine the land which is on the river. 
We arrived at Tapaen 3 in the evening, where a large flat of 

1 Stratford, Connecticut. The three places next mentioned are Norwalk, 
Stamford and Greenwich. 

3 Jochem Pietersen Kuyter played an important part in the subsequent history 
of the province, serving as one of the Eight Men, leading with Melyn in the struggle 
against Kieft, punished with him by Stuyvesant. 

3 Orangetown township. 


about two or three hundred morgens of clay soil lies under the 
mountains, three or four feet above the water. A creek, 
which comes from the highland, runs through it, on which fine 
water-mills could be erected. I bought this flat from the 
Indians, as it was only three leagues above my plantation and 
five leagues from the fort. There was also much maize-land, 
but too stony to be ploughed. 

The 25th. Opposite Tapaen lies a place called Wickquaes- 
geck, 1 where there is maize-land, but all stony or sandy, and 
where many pine trees grow. We generally haul pine masts from 
there. The land is also mountainous. 

The 26th, went further up the river. Passed the Averstro, 2 
where a kill runs out, formed from a large fall, the noise of 
which can be heard in the river. The land is also very high. 
About noon passed the highlands, which are prodigiously high 
stony mountains; and it is about a league going through them. 
Here the river, at its narrowest, is about five or six hundred 
paces wide, as well as I could guess. Towards evening came 
by the Dance-chamber? where there was a party of Indians, who 
were very riotous, seeking only mischief, so that we were on our 

The 27th, we came to Esoopes, 4 where a creek runs in; and 
there the savages had much maize-land, but all somewhat 
stony. Arrived about evening, as it blew hard, before the 
Kats-kil. Found the river up to this point stony and moun- 
tainous, unfit for habitations. But there was some lowland 
along the Kats-kil, and here the savages sowed maize. 

The 28th, arrived at Beeren 5 Island, where were many 
savages fishing. Here the land begins to be low along the 
margin of the river, and at the foot of the mountains are slopes, 
good for cultivation. At evening we reached Brand-pylen's 
Island, 6 which lies a little below Fort Orange, and belongs to the 
patroons, Godyn, Ronselaer, Jan de Laet, and Bloemaert, who 
had also three more farms, which they had put in good condi- 
tion at the Company's cost, as the Company had sent the cattle 
from Fatherland at great expense; and these individuals, being 
the commissioners of New Netherland, had made a good dis- 

1 Greenburg township. 2 Haverstraw. 

3 This was at a cove in the north part of the town of Newburgh. 

Esopus. e Bears'. 6 The island of Brant Peelen, Castle Island. 


tribution among themselves, and, while the Company had 
nothing but the bare fort, they had the farms and trade around 
it, and every boor was a merchant. . . . 1 

The 30th of April, while I lay here at Fort Orange, there 
came such a flood upon the island 2 on which Brand Pijlen 
dwelt (my host for the time being) that we had to abandon the 
island, and to use boats in going to the house, for the water 
stood about four feet deep on the island, whereas the latter 
lies seven or eight feet above ordinary water. This high water 
lasted three days before we could use the houses again. The 
water came into the fort. We had to resort to the woods, 
where we set up tents and kept great fires going. 

The 14th May, took my leave of the commander at Fort 
Orange, and the same day reached Esopers, where a creek runs 
in, and where there is some maize-land upon which some 
savages live. 

The 15th, got under sail at break of day, with the ebb-tide, 
and in the afternoon came by the Dance-chamber, where there 
were many savages fishing; passed the Highlands, and at 
evening anchored at Tapaen, and remained there all night, near 
the savages, who were fishing. 

1 The succeeding pages are omitted because the description of the Fort Orange 
region which De Vries gives is almost wholly "conveyed" from the Kort Ontwerp 
of Megapolensis, already printed in this volume, though De Vries makes occasional 
attempts to conceal the borrowing by little alterations. E. g., when Megapolensis 
describes the hills near Cohoes Falls as being "as high as Schoorler Duyn," a 
dune near his Dutch home, De Vries alters this into "as high as the dunes at 
Huysduynen," which were near where he lived. 

He speaks of Curler's telling him at Fort Orange of the Indians' capture 
of the French Jesuit (Jogues), "whose release our people were hoping that they 
might yet effect" but Jogues was not captured till more than two years after 
De Vries visited the region and had this supposed conversation! Where Megapol- 
ensis says that the colony had a dugout canoe big enough to hold 200 schepels 
(p. 176, above), De Vries declares (p. 158 of original) that he himself had pos- 
sessed one that would hold 225! No doubt the skipper made good use of his 
eyes during his two weeks at Fort Orange, but when it came to writing, four- 
teen or fifteen years later, it was easier to borrow from Domine Megapolensis's 
account, printed four years before. The one original passage in this part of De 
Vries is printed next above. 

2 Castle Island or West Island, a little below Fort Orange. The fort of 1614 
had been built upon it, but had been ruined by floods three years later and aban- 


The 16th, weighed anchor, and sailed, with the ebb and a 
strong breeze from the northwest, in three hours to the Fort. 
The above-named river has nothing but mountains on both 
sides, little capable of sustaining a population, as there are only 
cliffs and stones along the river, as I have related before. 
There is here and there some maize-land, from which the 
savages remove the stones and cultivate it. The tide flows up 
the entire river to Fort Orange by the pressure of the sea. 

The 16th July, Cornelis van Thienhoven, secretary of New 
Netherland, 1 departed with a commission from the head men 
and council of New Netherland, with a hundred armed men, 
to the Raritanghe, a nation of savages who live where a little 
stream runs up about five leagues behind Staten Island, for the 
purpose of obtaining satisfaction from the Indians for the hos- 
tilities committed by them upon Staten Island, in killing my 
swine and those of the Company, which a negro watched 
whom I had been solicited to place there in robbing the swine- 
herds, and in attempting (unsuccessfully) to run off with the 
yacht Peace, of which Cornelis Pietersz. was master, and for 
other acts of insolence. Van Thienhoven having arrived there 
with the said troop, demanded satisfaction according to his 
orders. The troop wished to kill and plunder, which could not 
be permitted, as Van Thienhoven said he had no orders to 
do so. Finally, on account of the pertinacity of the troop, the 
said Van Thienhoven went away, protesting against any injury 
which should happen by reason of their disobedience and 
violation of orders; and, when he had gone about a quarter of a 
league, the troop killed several of the savages, and brought the 
brother of the chief a prisoner, for whom Van Thienhoven had 
been surety before in eighty fathoms of zeewan, otherwise he, 
too, must have been put to death. Whereupon the Indians, as 
will hereafter be related, killed four of my men, burned my 
house, and the house of David Pietersz. de Vries, 2 in revenge. 
I learned also from Thienhoven that one Loockmans, standing 
at the mast, had tortured the chief's brother in his private parts 
with a piece of split wood, and that such acts of tyranny were 

1 He had been the Company's book-keeper throughout Van Twiller's time, 
and had become secretary under Kieft. A later piece in this volume is by him; 
see the introduction to it. 

3 This is probably a mistake for Frederick de Vries. 


perpetrated by the servants of the Company as were far from 
making friends with the inhabitants. 

The 20th of October, I went with my sloop to Tapaen in 
order to trade for maize or Indian corn. I found the Company's 
sloop there for the purpose of levying a contribution from the 
Indian Christians, of a quantity of corn. The Indians called 
to me and inquired what I wanted. I answered that I desired 
to exchange cloth for corn. They said they could not help me. 
I must go somewhat up the river, and, should the Company's 
sloop in the mean time get away, they would then trade with 
me; that they were very much surprised that the Sachem, 
who was now at the Fort, dare exact it; and he must be a very 
mean fellow to come to live in this country without being 
invited by them, and now wish to compel them to give him their 
corn for nothing ; that they had not raised it in great abundance, 
as one chief had generally but two women who planted corn, 
and that they had calculated only for their own necessities, and 
to barter some with us for cloth. So this affair began to cause 
much dissatisfaction among the savages. 

The 1st of December. I began to take hold of Vries- 
sendael, 1 as it was a fine place, situated along the river, under 
a mountain. There is a flat there, an hour and a half's journey 
in extent, where hay can be raised for two hundred head of 
cattle, and where there is thirty morgens of corn-land, where I 
have sown wheat which grew higher than the tallest man in the 
country. Here were also two fine falls from the mountains, 
where two good' mills could be erected for grinding corn and 
sawing plank. It was a beautiful and pleasant place for hunt- 
ing deer, wild turkeys, and pigeons; but the evil of it was that, 
though I earnestly took hold of the place, I was not seconded 
by my partner, according to our agreement, who was Frederick 
de Vries, a director of the Company, and who thought that 
colonies could be built up without men or means, as his idea was 

1 His plantation previously mentioned. The company had in the previous 
July issued a new charter of " Privileges and Exemptions," which made provision 
for patroonships of reduced size, and also for a system of grants of two hundred 
acres each to lesser colonists. Commercial privileges, under some restrictions, 
were extended to all free colonists and to all stockholders in the Company. These 
arrangements, with better provisions for local government, led to a considerable 
increase of immigration. 


that Godyn, Gilliame l van Rensselaer, Bloemaert, and Jan de 
Laet had established their colonies with the means of the Com- 
pany, which had brought there all the cattle and the farmers. 
When the work began to progress, these persons were direc- 
tors of the Company and commissioners of New Netherland, 
and helped themselves by the cunning tricks of merchants; and 
the Company, having about that time come into possession of 
Pieter Heyn's booty, 2 bestowed not a thought upon their best 
trading-post, at Fort Orange, whether people were making 
farms there or not; but these fellows, especially Rensselaer, 
who was accustomed to refine pearls and diamonds, succeeded 
in taking it from the other managers their partners. Then 
Michael Pauw, discovering that they had appropriated the 
land at Fort Orange to themselves, immediately had the land 
below, opposite Fort Amsterdam, where the Indians are com- 
pelled to cross to the fort with their beavers, registered for 
himself, and called it Pavonia. The Company seeing after- 
wards that they were affected, much contention and jealousy 
arose among them, because they who undertook to plant colo- 
nies with their own money should have taken the property of 
the Company. Thus was the country kept down by these dis- 
putes, so that it was not settled; for at that time there were 
friends enough who would have peopled the country by patroon- 
ships, but they were always prevented by the contention of the 
managers, who were not willing to do anything themselves, 
for they would rather see booty arrive than to speak of their 
colonies; but, had the land been peopled, the fruit thereof 
would have been long continued, while their booty has vanished 
like smoke. There may be some managers and book-keepers 
who are well off by it, but it does no good to the community, 
like the cultivation of the soil whereby everyone is well off, and 
there is a steady income, which is better than all the booty 
which we see consumed in bawdy-houses ; for where is now all 
the booty of which the Dunkirkers have robbed us, and also all 
the booty of Flushing, which was taken from the Portuguese? 

1 Kiliaen. 

2 The chief warlike success of the Dutch West India Company was Admiral 
Pieter Heyn's capture of the entire Spanish silver-fleet, in the bay of Matanzas, in 
December, 1628. The booty was valued at twelve millions of guilders. The 
patroonships mentioned in the ensuing sentences were established in 1630. 


It has all gone to smoke, and those privateers who have taken it 
have gone to naught. They have drunk it up to no purpose. 

ANNO 1641. The 20th August, the ship Oak Tree l arrived 
here, in which came a person named Malyn, who said that 
Staten Island belonged to him, that it was given by the directors 
to him and to Heer vander Horst, which I could not believe, as 
I had sailed in the year thirty-eight to take possession of said 
island, and had settled my men upon it. I thought better 
things of the directors than this, as the sixth article of the 
Privileges mentions that the first occupant shall not be preju- 
diced in his right of possession. 

The 1st of September, my men on Staten Island were killed 
by the Indians and the Raritans; and they told an Indian, 
who worked for our people, that we would now come to fight 
them on account of our men; that we had before come and 
treated them badly on account of the swine, that there had 
been laid to their charge what they were not guilty of, and what 
had been done by the Company's men when they were on their 
way to the South River, who came ashore on Staten Island to 
cut wood and haul water, and then at the same time stole the 
hogs, and charged the act upon the innocent Indians, who, al- 
though they are bad enough, will do you no harm if you do 
them none. Thus I lost the beginning of my colony on Staten 
Island, through the conduct of Commander Kieft, who wished 
to charge upon the savages what his own people had done. 

The 2d of November, there came a chief of the savages of 
Tankitekes, named Pacham, who was great with the governor 
of the fort. He came in great triumph, bringing a dead hand 
hanging on a stick, and saying that it was the hand of the chief 
who had killed or shot with arrows our men on Staten Island, 
and that he had taken revenge for our sake, because he loved 
the Swannekens (as they call the Dutch), who were his best 

The same day Commander Kieft asked me whether I would 
permit Mallyn to go upon the point of Staten Island, where the 
maize-land lay, saying that he wished to let him plant it, and 
that he would place soldiers there, who would make a signal 
by displaying a flag, to make known at the fort whenever ships 

1 Eyckenboom. Cornelis Melyn, next spoken of, afterward led the opposition 
to Kieft, and was persecuted and banished by Stuyvesant. 


were in the bay, to which I consented but did not wish to be 
prejudiced thereby and to let him have twelve to fourteen or 
fifteen morgens of land, without abridging my right, as he in- 
tended only to distil some brandy there and make goat's leather. 
ANNO 1642. As I was daily with Commander Kieft, gen- 
erally dining with him when I went to the fort, he told me that 
he had now had a fine inn built and of stone, in order to ac- 
commodate the English who daily passed with their vessels 
from New England to Virginia, from whom he suffered great 
annoyance, and who might now lodge in the tavern. I replied 
that it happened well for the travellers, but there was great 
want of a church, and that it was a scandal to us when the 
English passed there, and saw only a mean barn in which we 
preached; 1 that the first thing which the English in New Eng- 
land built, after their dwellings, was a fine church, and we 
ought to do so, too, as the West India Company was deemed 
to be a principal means of upholding the Reformed Religion 
against the tyranny of Spain, and had excellent material 
therefor namely, fine oak-wood, good mountain stone, and 
good lime burnt of oyster shells, much better than our lime in 
Holland. He then inquired who would undertake the work. 
I answered, the lovers of the Reformed Religion of whom there 
were enough. He then said that I must be one of them, as I 
proposed it, and must give an hundred guilders. I told him 
that I was satisfied, and that he must be the first to give, as he 
was commander, and then we chose Jochem Pietersz. Kuyter, 
a devout person of the Reformed Religion, who had good work- 
men who would quickly provide a good lot of timber, and also 
chose Damen, 2 because he lived close by the fort. And so we 
four, as churchwardens, were the ones to undertake the work of 
building the church. The commander was to give several 
thousand guilders on behalf of the Company, and we should 
see whether the rest would be subscribed by the community. 
The church should be built in the fort, to guard against any 

1 The first church, built early in Van Twiller's administration, stood near the 
East River, where now stands no. 39 Pearl Street. 

2 Jan Jansen Dam or Damen, a prominent colonist. As to Kieft's collecting 
of ample subscriptions by taking advantage of a convivial occasion, see post, p. 326. 
The result was a stone church in the old fort, 72 feet by 50, erected at an expense 
of 2,500 guilders equivalent in specie to $1,000. 


surprise by the savages. Thus were the walls of the church 
speedily begun to be laid up with quarry-stone, and to be 
covered by the English carpenters with overlapping shingles 
cleft from oak, which, by exposure to the wind and rain, turn 
blue, and look as if they were slate. 

About the same time a harmless Dutchman, named Claes 
Rademaker, 1 was murdered by a savage. He lived a short 
league from the fort by the Densel-bay, 2 where he had built a 
small house, and had set up the trade of wheelwright. It was 
on the Wickquasgeck road over which the Indians passed 
daily. It happened that a savage came to this Claes Rade- 
maker for the purpose of trading beavers with him for duffels 
cloth, which goods were in a chest. This chest he had locked 
up, and had stooped down in order to take his goods out, when 
this murderer, the savage, seeing that the man had his head 
bent over into the chest, and observing an axe standing behind 
him, seized the axe, and struck Claes Rademaker on the neck 
therewith, so that he fell down dead by the chest. The mur- 
derer then stole all the goods and ran off. The Commander 
sent to them and made inquiry in Wickquasgeck why this 
Dutchman had been so shamefully murdered. The murderer 
answered that, while the fort was being built, he came with his 
uncle and another savage to the freshwater, bringing beavers, 
in order to trade with the Dutchmen, that some Swannekes (as 
they call the Netherlanders) came there, took away from his 
uncle his beavers, and then killed him. He was then a small 
boy, and resolved that, when he should grow up, he would 
revenge that deed upon the Dutch, and since then he had seen 
no better chance to do so than with this Claes Rademaker. 
Thus these savages resemble the Italians, being very revenge- 
ful. Commander Kieft afterwards tried to attack, sending 
some soldiers there, of whom Van Dyck, the ensign-bearer, 
had the command, but in consequence of the darkness of the 
night the guides missed the way, and arrived there too late 
in the day, so that the attempt failed, and they returned again 
without effecting anything. 3 Another expedition against these 

1 Claes Smits, rademaker, i. e., Claes Smits, wheelwright. 
1 A misprint for Deutels Bay, now called Turtle Bay, in the East River. 
8 De Vries is in error in placing this episode before the election of the Twelve 
Men. It happened in March, 1642; the latter, on August 29, 1641. 


savages was subsequently sent, which also miscarried. When 
Commander Kieft saw that these attempts against the savages 
miscarried, and that trouble would follow, and found that the 
people began to reproach him with being himself protected in 
a good fort, out of which he had not slept a single night during 
all the years he had been there, and with seeking the war in 
order to make a bad reckoning with the Company, and began 
to feel that the war would be laid to his charge, he called the 
people together to choose twelve men to aid him in the direction 
of the affairs of the country, 1 of which number I was, as a 
patroon, chosen one. Commander Kieft then submitted the 
proposition whether or not we should avenge the murder of 
Claes Rademaker and make war upon the savages. We an- 
swered that time and opportunity must be taken, as our cattle 
were running at pasture in the woods, and we were living far 
and wide, east, west, south, and north of each other; that it 
was not expedient to carry on a war with the savages until we 
had more people, like the English, who make towns and 
villages. I told Commander Kieft that no profit was to be 
derived from a war with the savages; that he was the means 
of my people being murdered at the colony which I had com- 
menced on Staten Island in the year forty; and that I well 
knew that the directors did not desire a war waged against the 
savages, for when we made our colony in the year 1630, in the 
South River at Swanendael, otherwise called Hoere-kil, and 
our people were all murdered through some trifling acts of the 
commander whom we had stationed there, named Gilles Oset, 2 
as I have already mentioned in the beginning of my journal, it 
was then proposed to the Company to make war upon the 
savages, but the Company would not permit it, and replied that 
we must keep at peace with the savages. This I related to 
Commander Kieft, but he would not listen to it, so it becomes 
the managers to take care what persons they appoint as 
Directors, for thereon depends the welfare of the country. 
Were it the case that the East India Company had gone to work 

1 Stated too broadly. They were only to advise as to the Indian war; their 
advice may be seen in Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series, 
I. 277, 278. But they proceeded further, demanding many reforms in the 
provincial system, tending in the direction of popular government. 

2 Giles Houset. 


in the East Indies, as the West India Company here, they would 
soon have to leave there like the West India Company; but in 
the East Indies they make no person commander of a fort, if he 
be not well acquainted with the country, and [they] have knowl- 
edge of the person's competence. But commanders are sent 
here whether they be fit or not. 

About this time also I walked to Ackingh-sack, 1 taking a 
gun with me, in order to see how far the colony of Heer vander 
Horst had advanced, as it was only a short hour's journey 
behind my house. On approaching Ackinsack, about five or 
six hundred paces from where the colony was started, a savage 
met me who was very drunk. He came up to me and stroked 
my arms, which is a token of friendship among them, and said 
that I was a good chief; that when they came to my house, 
I let them have milk and everything for nothing; that he had 
just come from this house, where they had sold him brandy, 
into which they had put half water; that he could scoop up the 
water himself from the river, and had no need of buying it; 
that they had also stolen his beaver-coat, and he would go 
home and get his bow and arrows, and would kill some one of 
the villainous Swannekens who had stolen his goods. I told 
him he must not do so. I then proceeded on to the house of 
Heer vander Horst, and I told some soldiers and others who 
were there, that they must not treat the savages in that manner, 
as they were a very revengeful people, and resembled the 
Italians in that particular. I then returned home, and on my 
way, shot a wild turkey weighing over thirty pounds, and 
brought it along with me. I was not long home, when there 
came some chiefs from Ackinsack, and from Reckawanck, 
which was close by me, and informed me that one of their 
Indians, who was drunk, had shot a Dutchman dead, who was 
sitting on a barn thatching it. They asked me what they 
should do; they said they durst not go to the fort; that they 
would give one or two hundred fathom of zeewan to the widow 
if thereby they would be at peace. I told them that they must 
go with me to the fort, and speak to the commander; but they 

1 Hackensack. In the valley of the Hackensack River, which lay southwest 
from Vriesendael, a small colony had been established in 1641 on a grant of land 
which had been made to the lord of Nederhorst and Meyndert Meyndertsen van 
Keren and others. 


were afraid that, on going to the fort, he would not permit 
them to return home. I made them of good heart, by telling 
them that I would deliver them safe home. They went with 
me, at length, to the fort; and, going to Commander Willem 
Kieft, told him the misfortune which had happened to them. 
He answered the chief of the savages that he wanted the savage 
who had done the act to be brought to him. They said they 
could not do so, as he had run away a two day's journey to 
Tanditekes; 1 but if the commander would listen to them, 
they desired in a friendly way to make the widow contented, 
and to pay for the man's death with zeewan, which is their 
money; it being a custom with them, if any misfortune befel 
them, to reconcile the parties with money. They laid the 
blame upon our people, saying that it was because we sold the 
young Indians brandy or wine, making them crazy, as they 
were unaccustomed to drink; that they had even seen our 
people, who were habituated to strong drink, frequently in- 
toxicated, and fight with knives. They therefore desired that 
no liquor should be sold to the Indians, in order to prevent all 
accident for the future. It seemed as if they had some fear 
that the governor would detain them, so they answered him, 
that they would do their best to get the savage, and bring him 
to the fort. They then took their departure ; but on the way 
they told me that they could not deliver up the savage to him, 
as he was a sackemaker's son that is to say, as above, a chief's 
son. And thus the matter passed off. 

Of what Sort and Condition of Men this Nation consists, how 
they are clothed, and what Magistrates they have. 

As I have related the manner of living, and the appear- 
ance, of the savages at Fort Orange, 2 I will state something 
of the nations about Fort Amsterdam; as the Hackinsack, 
Tapaen, and Wicquas-geck Indians; and these are located at 

1 Near Sing Sing. 

2 Omitted in this volume, being a mere reproduction of the description by 
Megapolensis. The Hackensacks dwelt in the valley of Hackensack River, the 
Tappaans in the Orangetown region, the Wickquaasgeeks in that extending east 
from the river at Irvington and Tarrytown. 


some two, three, or four leagues from the entrance of the river. 
Their manner of living is for the most part like that of those at 
Fort Orange ; who, however, are a stronger, and a more mar- 
tial nation of Indians especially the Maquas, as before men- 
tioned, who hold most of the others along the river to Fort 
Amsterdam under tribute. The Indians below here are also 
tolerably stout, have black hair, with a long lock, which they 
braid and let hang on one side of the head. The hair is shorn 
on the top of the head like a cock's-comb, as is shown in the 
plate. 1 Their disposition is bad. They are very revengeful; 
resembling the Italians. Their clothing is a coat of beaver- 
skins over the body, with the fur inside in winter, and outside 
in summer ; they have, also, sometimes a bear's hide, or a coat 
of the skins of wild cats, or hesspanen, 2 which is an animal 
almost as hairy as a wild cat, and is also very good to eat. I 
have frequently eaten it, and found it very tender. They also 
wear coats of turkey's feathers, which they know how to plait 
together; but since our Netherland nation has traded here, 
they trade their beavers for duffels cloth, which we give for 
them, and which they find more suitable than the beavers, 
as they consider it better for the rain; and take two and a 
half in length of duffels, which is nine and a half quarters 
wide. Their pride is to paint their faces strangely with red or 
black lead, so that they look like fiends. They are then valiant ; 
yea, they say they are Mannette, the Devil himself. Some of 
the women are very well-featured, and of tall stature. Their 
hair hangs loose from their head; they are very foul and 
dirty; they sometimes paint their faces, and sometimes draw 
a black ring around their eyes. When they wish to cleanse 
themselves of their foulness, they go in the autumn, when it 
begins to grow cold, and make, away off, near a running brook, 
a small oven, large enough for three or four men to lie in it. 
In making it they first take twigs of trees, and then cover 
them tight with clay, so that smoke cannot escape. This 
being done, they take a parcel of stones, which they heat in 
a fire, and then put in the oven, and when they think that 

1 None of the copper-plates in the original shows this arrangement particularly 
well. De Vries's plates, mentioned here and in various places below, are not 
reproduced in this volume; see the introduction to this piece. 

1 Raccoon. 


it is sufficiently hot, they take the stones out again, and go 
and lie in it, men and women, boys and girls, and come out 
so perspiring, that every hair has a drop of sweat on it. In 
this state they plunge into the cold water; saying that it is 
healthy, but I let its healthfulness pass; they then become 
entirely clean, and are more attractive than before. The girls 
consider themselves to have arrived at womanhood when they 
begin to have their monthly terms, and as soon as they have 
them, they go and disguise themselves with a garment, which 
they throw over their body drawing it over the head so that 
one can barely see their eyes, and run off for two or three 
months, lamenting that they must lose their virginity; but for 
all that they do not omit their diversions at night, or other 
unseasonable time. This period being over, they throw away 
their disguise, and deck themselves with a quantity of zeewan 
upon the body, head and neck; they then go and sit in some 
place, in company with some squaws, showing that they are up 
for a bargain. Whoever courts best and gives the most zeewan 
takes her home with him, and remains with her sometimes 
three or four months, and then goes with another; sometimes 
a single month, according as they are inclined to each other. 
The men are not jealous, and even lend their wives to a friend. 
They are fond of meetings, frolic and dance much; but the 
women are compelled to work like asses, and when they travel, 
to carry the baggage on their backs, together with their infants, 
if they have any, bound to a board. 

We will now speak of the Food Products of the Country and other 
things which serve for the Support of the Life of Man. 

The food supplies are various. The principal one is maize, 
which is their corn, and which is called by us Turkish wheat. 
They pound it in a hollow tree, as may be seen in the plate. 
When they travel, they take a flat stone, and pound it with 
another stone placed upon the first, and when it is pounded, 
they have little baskets, which they call notassen, and which 
are made of a kind of hemp, the same as fig-baskets which 
they make so neatly that they serve them as sieves and thus 
make their meal. They make flat cakes of the meal mixed with 


water, as large again as a farthing cake in this country, and bake 
them in the ashes, first wrapping a vine-leaf or maize-leaf 
around them. When they are sufficiently baked in the ashes, 
they make good palatable bread. The Indians also make use 
of French beans of different colors, which they plant among 
their maize, or, as we call it, Turkish wheat. When the maize 
(which is sown three or four feet apart, in order to have room 
to weed it thoroughly) is grown two or three feet high, they 
stick the beans in the ground alongside of the maize-stalks, 
which serve instead of the poles which we use in our Father- 
land, for beans to grow on. In New Netherland, the beans 
are raised on the maize-stalks, .which grow as high as a man 
can reach, and higher, according to the fertility of the soil. 
There are also pumpkins, water-melons, and melons. They 1 
dry the nuts of trees, and use them for food. There are also 
ground-nuts as in this country; and white ground-nuts, but 
these are poisonous to eat a mason of the Company having 
died in consequence of eating one of them. There also grow 
here hazel-nuts, large nuts in great quantities, chestnuts, which 
they dry to eat, and wild grapes in great abundance, which 
they also use. Our Netherlander raise good wheat, rye, bar- 
ley, oats, and peas, and can brew as good beer here as in our 
Fatherland, for good hops grow in the woods; and they who 
make it their business can produce enough of those things, as 
everything can be grown which grows in Holland, England, or 
France, and they are in want of nothing but men to do the 
work. It is a pleasant and charming country, if only it were 
well peopled by our nation. Medlars grow wild and reversely 
from what they do in our country, as they grow in Holland 
open and broad above, but here they grow up sharp, the 
reverse of those in Holland. Mulberry trees there are too, so 
that silkworms could be raised, and good silk made; and good 
hemp and flax, and the savages use a kind of hemp, which 
they understand making up, much stronger than ours is, and 
for every necessary purpose, such as notassen, (which are their 
sacks, and in which they carry everything); they also make 
linen of it. They gather their maize and French beans the last 
of September and October, and when they have gathered and 
shelled the corn, they bury it in holes, which they have pre- 

1 The Indians. 


viously lined with mats, and so keep as much as they want 
for the winter and while hunting. They sow the maize in 
April and May. 

Of the Animals and Cattle, and how they hunt and catch them. 

There are great quantities of harts and hinds, which the 
savages shoot with their bows and arrows, or make a general 
hunt of, a hundred more or less joining in the hunt. They 
stand a hundred paces more or less from each other, and holding 
flat thigh-bones in the hand, beat them with a stick, and so 
drive the creatures before them to the river. As they ap- 
proach the river, they close nearer to each other, and whatever 
is between any two of them, is at the mercy of their bows and 
arrows, or must take to the river. When the animals swim 
into the river, the savages lie in their canoes with lassos, which 
they throw around their necks, and tighten, whereupon the 
deer lie down and float with the rump upwards, as they 
cannot draw breath. At the north, they drive them into a 
fuyk, 1 which they make of palisades split out of trees, and 
eight or nine feet high, and set close to each other, for a distance 
of fourteen or fifteen hundred paces on both sides, coming 
together like a fuyk, as is shown in the plates; the opening 
is one or two thousand paces wide. When the animal is within 
the palisades, the savages begin to come nearer to each other, 
and pursue it with great ardor, as they regard deer-hunting 
the noblest hunting. At the end of the fuyk it is so narrow 
that it is only five feet wide, like a large door, and it is there 
covered with the boughs of trees, into which the deer or animal 
runs, closely pursued by the savages, who make a noise as if 
they were wolves, by which many deer are devoured, and of 
which they are in great fear. This causes them to run into the 
mouth of the fuyk with great force, whither the Indians pursue 
them furiously with bows and arrows, and from whence they 
cannot escape; they are then easily caught. They also catch 
them with snares, as may be seen in the plate. There are elks, 
chiefly in the mountains; also hares, but they are not larger 
than the rabbits in Holland ; foxes in abundance, multitudes of 
wolves, wild cats, squirrels black as pitch, and gray, also 

1 A peculiar form of net, large at the entrance, and terminating in a snare. 


flying squirrels beavers in great numbers, minks, otters, pole- 
cats, bears, and many kinds of fur-bearing animals, which I 
cannot name or think of. The savages understand the prepar- 
ing of deer-skins, of which they make shoes and stockings, 
after their fashion, for the winter. 

Of the Fowl which are in the Entrance of the River and the 

Achter Col. 1 

There are great numbers of two kinds of geese, which stay 
here through the winter, by thousands, and which afford fine 
sport with the gun. One kind is the gray geese, which weigh 
fifteen or sixteen pounds each; the other they call white- 
heads, weighing six or seven pounds, very numerous, flying 
by thousands, and of good flavor. There are large quan- 
tities of bernicles, which keep along the saltwater shore, and of 
gulls, small star-birds, 2 snipes, curlews, and many other shore- 
birds, which I cannot give the names of. The geese and 
bernicles come here in September and leave in April. Many of 
the savages say that they go to the river of Canada, where 
they breed their young; for the fishermen who sail to New- 
foundland find them there in great numbers in the summer 
time, when they are fishing there. On the fresh water are 
many swans. Land birds are also very numerous, such as wild 
turkeys, which weigh from thirty to thirty-six and forty pounds, 
and which fly wild, for they can fly one or two thousand paces, 
and then fall down, tired with flying, when they are taken by 
the savages with their hands, who also shoot them with bows 
and arrows. Partridges are numerous, but they are small. 
There are meadow-hens, as large as a year-old hen, and with 
feathers like those of a partridge; and white and gray herons 
in great numbers. Nothing is wanted but good marksmen 
with powder and shot. Turtle-doves, at the time of year when 
they migrate, are so numerous, that the light can hardly be 
discerned where they fly. There are white and gray cranes, 
and a species of black bird, as large as what is called in our 
country the starling or thrush, and which makes its appearance 
at harvest, when the corn named maize is ripe. These birds 

1 "The Back Bay," i. e., Newark Bay. Ster-vogeltjes. 


are called maize-thieves, because they fall upon the corn by 
thousands, and do great damage. I have seen one of our 
Netherlanders kill, in the commander's orchard at Fort Amster- 
dam, eighty-four of these birds at one shot. They are of good 
taste, and similar to the thrushes in Fatherland. I have also 
seen, at different times, thirty to thirty-four pigeons killed at 
one shot, but they are not larger than turtle-doves, and their 
bodies are exactly like those of the turtle-doves in Fatherland, 
except they have longer tails. 

Of the kinds of Fish which frequent the Sea and River as far up 
as the Brackish and Fresh Water. 

There are different kinds of fine fish on the seacoast for 
the wants of man, similar to those in Holland, as the codfish 
(in winter), haddock, plaice, flounders, herring, sole, and 
many more kinds of which I cannot give the names. There 
is a species of fish which by our people is called the twelve, 
and which has scales like a salmon, and on each side six 
black streaks, which I suppose is the reason they call it twelve. 1 
It is the size of a codfish, very delicate, and of good taste for 
eating; the head is the best, as it is full of brains like a lamb's 
head. The fish comes from the sea into the river in the spring, 
about the last of March and April, and continues until the last 
of May. It is caught in large quantities and dried by the 
savages, for at this time the squaws are engaged in sowing 
their maize, and cultivating the land, and the men go a-fishing 
in order to assist their wives a little by their draughts of fish. 
Sometimes they catch them with seines from seventy to eighty 
fathoms in length, which they braid themselves, and on which, 
in place of lead, they hang stones, and instead of the corks 
which we put on them to float them, they fasten small sticks 
of an ell in length, round and sharp at the end. Over the purse, 
they have a figure made of wood, resembling the Devil, and 
when the fish swim into the net and come to the purse, so that 

1 Striped bass. More likely it was called twaalf to match elft, the shad, though 
the latter word really has nothing to do with eleven, for elft FT. alose or Eng. 
allice. See Van der Donck in Collections of the New York Historical Society, 
second series, I. 169, 170. 


the figure begins to move, they then begin to cry out and call 
upon the Mannetoe, that is, the Devil, to give them many fish. 
They catch great quantities of this fish; which they also catch 
in little set-nets, six or seven fathoms long, knit single like a 
herring-net. They set them on sticks into the river, one, and 
one arid a half fathoms deep. With these they catch many of 
this fish. There is also another kind of fish on the seacoast, 
which is called thirteen l by us, because it is larger than the 
twelve. The scales of the thirteen are yellow like those of the 
carp, to which it is not unlike in shape. It is of the size of a 
codfish. Herring also come into the river. There is a species 
of fish caught on the shore, called by us stone-bream, and by 
the English schip-heet, that is to say, sheep's-head, for the reason 
that its mouth is full of teeth, above and below, like a sheep's 
head. Sturgeon are numerous in the brackish water, and as 
high up in the fresh water as Fort Orange. There are many 
kinds of fish which we have not in our Fatherland, so that I 
cannot name them all. In the fresh waters, are pike, perch, 
roach, and trout. There are fine oysters, large and small, in 
great abundance. In the summer-time crabs come on the 
flat shores, of very good taste. Their claws are of the color of 
the flag of our Prince, orange, white and blue, 2 so that the crabs 
show sufficiently that we ought to people the country, and 
that it belongs to us. 

In what Manner they bury their Dead. 

They make a large grave, and line it inside with boughs 
of trees, in which they lay the corpse, so that no earth can 
touch it. They then cover this with clay, and form the 
grave, seven or eight feet high, in the shape of a sugar-loaf, and 
place palisades around it. I have frequently seen the wife 
of the deceased come daily to the grave, weeping and crying, 
creeping around it with extended body, and grieving for the 
death of her husband. The oldest wife by whom he has 
had children does this; if he has also had a young wife, she 
does not make much ado about it, but looks out for another 
husband. They give a party when any one is dead in the house. 

1 Drum-fish. See the preceding note. 
' No doubt the common edible blue crab. 


I have seen at the North, great multitudes of savages assembled, 
who had collected together the bones of their ancestors, cleaned 
them, and bound them up in small bundles. They dig a square 
grave, the size and length of the person, and over it erect four 
pillars, which they cover with the bark of trees, as may be 
seen in the plate ; they set a time when they will bury the body, 
when all the friends will have a great gathering, and bring 
ample supplies of provisions, accordingly as is prescribed by 
their village, that a great festival is to be held, with frolic and 
dancing. This festival continues some ten days, during which 
time their friends come from other nations on all sides, in order 
to see it held, and the accompanying ceremonies, which are at- 
tended with great expense. Under cover of these ceremonies, 
dances, feasts, and meetings, they contract new alliances of 
friendship with their neighbors; saying, that as the bones of 
their ancestors and friends are together in the little bundles 
(using this as a figure), so may their bones be together in 
the same place, and that as long as their lives shall last, they 
ought to be united in friendship and concord, as were their 
ancestors and friends, without being able to be separated from 
each other, like as the bones of the ancestors and friends of each 
other are mingled together. One of them their chief or their 
devil-hunter delivers much speech over the bones (saying), 
"that if they remain thus united, their enemies can have no 
power over them." They then bury the bones in the grave, 
with a parcel of zeewan, and with arrows, kettles, knives, paper, 
wicks, and other knick-knacks, which are held in great esteem 
by them, and cover them with earth, and place palisades 
around them as before related. Such is the custom on the 
coast in regard to the dead. The chief doctrine held among 
them is the belief in the immortality of the soul by some. 
Others are in doubt of this, but not far from it, saying, when 
they die they go to a place where they sing like the ravens; but 
this singing is entirely different from the singing of the angels. 

How the Indians at the North arm themselves when they go to War. 

When I was at the North, I saw savages who were going 
to war. They were armed as the figures show ; their weapons 
were bows and arrows in the manner shown, which they carry 



daily, and each one had in his hand a shield of leather as 
thick as buffalo-skin. I took it to be elk's-hide, as these 
animals are numerous there. If they wish to take a journey 
in winter, when there is snow on the ground, they bind two 
things under their feet, like the racket with which we strike 
the balls at tennis, which prevent them from sinking in the 
snow, as may be seen on the figure (of the man), who is walking 
with his wife. 

This l is a Representation of them when they Dance and have 

a Feast. 

When they dance they stand two and two beside each 
other, which I have seen at the north. They dance in two, 
three, and four pairs. The first pair carry a tortoise in their 
hands, as this nation say that they have descended from a 
tortoise-father, at which I laughed. They then asked me 
where our first father came from. I said he was called Adam, 
and was made of earth. They said I was a fool to say that 
he was made of a thing that had no life. I replied that it 
was full of life, for it produced all the fruits upon which they 
lived. They answered that the sun, which they looked upon 
as a God, produced it, for in summer he drew the leaves from 
the trees, and all the fruits from the ground. 

ANNO 1643. The 22d February, there broke out a war 
among the Mayekander savages, who came from Fort Orange 
and wanted to levy a contribution upon the savages of Wick- 
quas-geck and Tapaen, and of the adjacent villages. There 
were eighty to ninety of those from Fort Orange, each with a 
gun on his shoulder. There came flying to my house, four to 
five hundred savages, desiring that I would protect them. I 
answered them that I could not do it, as the Indians from Fort 
Orange were also our friends, and that we did not interfere in 
their wars; that I now saw that they were children, that 
they were flying on all sides from eighty or ninety men, when 
they were themselves so many hundred strong, and had been 
wont to boast to me that they were such soldiers, yea, Mannetoe 
himself that is to say, the Devil; but that I saw now that 
they were only children. As my house was so full of savages, 

1 Referring to a plate in the original. 


and I had only five men with me, I thought best to go to the 
fort to obtain some soldiers for the purpose of having more 
force in my house. So I took a canoe, as my boat was frozen 
up in the kill, and went in the canoe, or, hollow tree, which is 
their boat, as before related, between the cakes of ice, down the 
river to Fort Amsterdam, where I requested Governor Willem 
Kieft to assist me with some soldiers, as I was not master of 
my own house, because it was so full of savages, although I 
was not afraid that they would do any harm; but it was proper 
that I should be master of my own house. The Governor said 
he had no soldiers; that I must see how it would be in the 
morning, and stop at night with him, which I did. The next 
day the Indians came in troops on foot from my house to 
Pavonia, by the Oysterbank, where the great body of them 
encamped, and some of them came over the river from Pavonia 
to the fort. I spoke to some of them, and they said that they 
had all left my house. These Indians went to Correlaer's 
bouwery, where there were some Indians from Reckeweck, 1 
opposite the fort, on Long Island, who were under a chief, 
named Nummerus, whom I well knew. 

The 24th of February, sitting at a table with the Governor, 
he began to state his intentions, that he had a mind to wipe 
the mouths of the savages; that he had been dining at the 
house of Jan Claesz. 2 Damen, where Maryn Adriaensz. and Jan 
Claesz. Damen, together with Jacob Planck, had presented a 
petition to him to begin this work. I answered him that they 
were not wise to request this; that such work could not be 
done without the approbation of the Twelve Men; that it could 
not take place without my assent, who was one of the Twelve 
Men; that moreover I was the first patroon, and no one else 
hitherto had risked there so many thousands, and also his 
person, as I was the first to come from Holland or Zeeland to 
plant a colony; and that he should consider what profit he 
could derive from this business, as he well knew that on account 
of trifling with the Indians we had lost our colony in the South 
River at Swanendael, in the Hoere-kil, with thirty-two men, who 

1 Rockaway. 

2 Jansen. Maryn Adriaensen had been one of the Twelve Men. So had Abram 
Planck, who is probably the person meant by De Vries. Jacob Planck was his 


were murdered in the year 1630; and that in the year 1640, 
the cause of my people being murdered on Staten Island was 
a difficulty which he had brought on with the Raritaen In- 
dians, where his soldiers had for some trifling thing killed 
some savages, and brought the brother of the chief a prisoner 
to the Mannates, who was ransomed there, as I have before 
more particularly related. But it appeared that my speaking 
was of no avail. He had, with his co-murderers, determined 
to commit the murder, deeming it a Roman deed, and to do it 
without warning the inhabitants in the open lands, that each 
one might take care of himself against the retaliation of the 
savages, for he could not kill all the Indians. When I had 
expressed all these things in full, sitting at the table, and the 
meal was over, he told me he wished me to go to the large hall, 
which he had been lately adding to his house. Coming to it, 
there stood all his soldiers ready to cross the river to Pavonia 
to commit the murder. Then spoke I again to Governor 
Willem Kieft: "Let this work alone; you wish to break the 
mouths of the Indians, but you will also murder our own 
nation, for there are none of the settlers in the open country 
who are aware of it. My own dwelling, my people, cattle, corn, 
and tobacco will be lost." He answered me, assuring me that 
there would be no danger; that some soldiers should go to my 
house to protect it. But that was not done. So was this 
business begun between the 25th and 26th of February in the 
year 1643. 1 I remained that night at the Governor's, sitting 
up. I went and sat by the kitchen fire, when about midnight 
I heard a great shrieking, and I ran to the ramparts of the 
fort, and looked over to Pavonia. Saw nothing but firing, 
and heard the shrieks of the savages murdered in their sleep. 
I returned again to the house by the fire. Having sat there 
awhile, there came an Indian with his squaw, whom I knew 
well, and who lived about an hour's walk from my house, and 
told me that they two had fled in a small skiff, which they had 
taken from the shore at Pavonia; that the Indians from Fort 
Orange had surprised them; and that they had come to conceal 
themselves in the fort. I told them that they must go away 
immediately; that this was no time for them to come to the 
fort to conceal themselves; that they who had killed their 

1 The text has 1654. The errata correct it to 1643. See the introduction. 


people at Pavonia were not Indians, but the Swannekens, as 
they call the Dutch, had done it. They then asked me how 
they should get out of the fort. I took them to the door, and 
there was no sentry there, and so they betook themselves to 
the woods. When it was day the soldiers returned to the fort, 
having massacred or murdered eighty Indians, and considering 
they had done a deed of Roman valor, in murdering so many in 
their sleep; 1 where infants were torn from their mother's 
breasts, and hacked to pieces in the presence of the parents, 
and the pieces thrown into the fire and in the water, and 
other sucklings, being bound to small boards, were cut, 
stuck, and pierced, and miserably massacred in a manner to 
move a heart of stone. Some were thrown into the river, 
and when the fathers and mothers endeavored to save them, 
the soldiers would not let them come on land but made both 
parents and children drown children from five to six years 
of age, and also some old and decrepit persons. Those who 
fled from this onslaught, and concealed themselves in the neigh- 
boring sedge, and when it was morning, came out to beg a 
piece of bread, and to be permitted to warm themselves, 
were murdered in cold blood and tossed into the fire or the 
water. Some came to our people in the country with their 
hands, some with their legs cut off, and some holding their 
entrails in their arms, and others had such horrible cuts and 
gashes, that worse than they were could never happen. And 
these poor simple creatures, as also many of our own people, 
did not know any better than that they had been attacked 
by a party of other Indians the Maquas. After this exploit, 
the soldiers were rewarded for their services, and Director 
Kieft thanked them by taking them by the hand and congratu- 
lating them. At another place, on the same night, on Gorier 's 
Hook near Corler's plantation, forty Indians were in the same 
manner attacked in their sleep, and massacred there in the 
same manner. Did the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands ever 

1 From this point to where De Vries begins to speak of the destruction of his 
own property, all is borrowed from the Breeden Raedt (" Grand Council"), an anti- 
Kieft, anti-Stuyvesant pamphlet, scurrilous but interesting, and of a certain im- 
portance, which was printed at Antwerp in 1649. Its authorship is unknown. 
There is a translation in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, second 
series, III. 237-284. 


do anything more cruel? This is indeed a disgrace to our 
nation, who have so generous a governor in our Fatherland as 
the Prince of Orange, who has always endeavored in his wars to 
spill as little blood as possible. 1 As soon as the savages under- 
stood that the Swannekens had so treated them, all the men 
whom they could surprise on the farm-lands, they killed; but 
we have never heard that they have ever permitted women or 
children to be killed. They burned all the houses, farms, barns, 
grain, haystacks, and destroyed everything they could get hold 
of. So there was an open destructive war begun. They also 
burnt my farm, cattle, corn, barn, tobacco-house, and all the 
tobacco. My people saved themselves in the house where I 
alone lived, which was made with embrasures, through which 
they defended themselves. Whilst my people were in alarm 
the savage whom I had aided to escape from the fort in the night 
came there, and told the other Indians that I was a good chief, 
that I had helped him out of the fort, and that the killing of the 
Indians took place contrary to my wish. Then they all cried 
out together to my people that they would not shoot them; 
that if they had not destroyed my cattle they would not do it, 
nor burn my house; that they would let my little brewery 
stand, though they wished to get the copper kettle, in order to 
make darts for their arrows; but hearing now that it 2 had 
been done contrary to my wish, they all went away, and left 
my house unbesieged. When now the Indians had destroyed 
so many farms and men in revenge for their people, I went to 
Governor Willem Kieft, and asked him if it was not as I had 
said it would be, that he would only effect the spilling of Chris- 
tian blood. Who would now compensate us for our losses? 
But he gave me no answer. He said he wondered that no 
Indians came to the fort. I told him that I did not wonder 
at it; "why should the Indians come here where you have so 
treated them?" 

The 4th of March, there came three savages upon Long 
Island, with a small white flag, and called out to the fort. 
Then Governor Willem Kieft asked who would go over to 
them. There was no one who was willing to do so, among 
all of them, except Jacob Olfersz. and I, David Pietersz. de 

*A reference to Prince Frederick Henry, and therefore probably written 
before 1650. a The massacre. 


Vries. We went to the three savages. They told us that they 
came from their chief, who had sent them to know the cause 
why some of his Indians had been killed, who had never 
laid a straw in our way, and who had done us nothing but 
favors? We answered them that we did not know that 
any of their Indians were among them. They then said we 
must go and speak with their chief, who had fled seven leagues 
from there on the seacoast. We resolved to go with the 
Indians, for we believed that they were well disposed towards 
us two. 

At evening we arrived at Rechqua Akie 1 where we found 
the chief, who had only one eye, with two or three hundred 
Indians, and about thirty houses. They led us into his house, 
and treated us to what they had, as oysters, and fish, which 
they catch there; told us we were tired, and must rest a little; 
they would early in the morning speak to us about the business 
upon which we had come there. During the night, I went out 
of the house, when there came an Indian to me, as the moon 
was shining, and told me I must come into his hut. I then 
went into his hut, and by the light saw he was an Indian, who 
lived half a league from my farm-house at Vriessendael, with 
his squaws, who lived there with him, at which I was alarmed. 
But he assured me, saying, that I was a good chief, and that 
I came to make Rancontyn Marinit; that is, in their language, 
to make a peace. I asked them how they came so far from 
their dwelling. They answered that they were out a hunting 
with these Indians, and had friends among them. I then 
returned to my comrade in the house of the chief. When the 
day began to dawn, we were awakened, and taken by a savage, 
who led us into the woods about four hundred paces from the 
houses, and when we came there, sixteen chiefs were there of 
this Long Island, which is thirty leagues long. They placed us 
two by ourselves, and seated themselves around us, so that 
we sat within a ring. There was one among them who had a 
small bundle of sticks, and was the best speaker, who began 
his oration in Indian. He told how we first came upon their 
coast; that we sometimes had no victuals; they gave us their 
Turkish beans and Turkish wheat, they helped us with oysters 
and fish to eat, and now for a reward we had killed their people. 

1 Rockaway. 


Then he laid down one of the sticks, which was one point. He 
related also that at the beginning of our voyaging there, we 
left our people behind with the goods to trade, until the ships 
should come back ; l they had preserved these people like the 
apple of their eye; yea, they had given them their daughters to 
sleep with, by whom they had begotten children, and there 
roved many an Indian who was begotten by a Swanneken, but 
our people had become so villainous as to kill their own blood. 
He then laid down another stick. This laying down of sticks 
began to be tedious to me, as I saw that he had many still in 
his hand. I told him that I knew all these things which he said 
had happened to the savages of Long Island; they had been 
done unwittingly; if any of them had been with the other 
savages, they should go with us to the fort, where the Governor 
would give them presents for a peace. The speaking now 
ceased and they gave to each of us ten fathoms of zeewan 
which is their money, each fathom being worth four guilders. 
Then they all rose up and said that they would go with us to the 
fort, and speak with our governor Willem Kieft. We went to 
the canoes to go by water, and to make the journey shorter 
than when we came, for it made full three hours difference. 
When we reached the canoes, we found that the tide had not 
yet begun to make, and that we must wait some time before 
it would be flood. In the mean time, an Indian came running 
up with a bow and arrow, who had come on a run six leagues 
on behalf of a chief who had not been with us, and asked the 
chiefs who were going with us to the fort if they were so foolish 
as to go to the fort where there was such a villain, who had 
caused their friends to be so foully murdered; and who, when 
so many of the chiefs were together at the fort, would keep them 
there, and thus all the Indians would be in distress, being 
without heads or chiefs, and said the chief from whom he came 
thought it entirely inadvisable. They asked us two if we 
understood what he said. We answered that this was a crazy 
Indian, that they would find it otherwise, and would return 
home with good presents. Then one of the chiefs who knew 

1 The allusion is probably to Cornells Hendricksen and his men, who spent 
the winters of 1614-1615 and 1615-1616 in New Netherland, presumably in the 
region of Manhattan or Long Island, before there was any permanent settlement 
of the Dutch in it. 


me well said, "we will go on the faith of your word, for the 
Indians have never found you to lie as they have the other 
Swannekens." Finally, twenty of us went sitting in a canoe 
or hollow-tree, which is their boat, and the edge was not more 
than a hand's-breadth above the water. Arrived at the fort 
about three o'clock in the afternoon, and went to Willem Kieft, 
who made peace with the Indians, and gave them some 
presents. He requested them to bring those chiefs to the fort 
who had lost so many Indians, as he wished also to make a 
peace with them, and to give them presents. Then some of 
them went and brought the Indians of Ackin-sack and Tapaen 
and the vicinity, and the chiefs came with them, to whom he 
made presents; but they were not well content with them. 
They told me that he could have made it, by his presents, that 
as long as he lived the massacre would never again be spoken of; 
but now it might fall out that the infant upon the small board 
would remember it. They then went away grumbling with 
their presents. 

The 20th of July, a chief of the savages came to me, and 
told me that he was very sad. I asked him wherefor. He 
said that there were many of the Indian youths, who were 
constantly wishing for a war against us, as one had lost his 
father, another his mother, a third his uncle, and also their 
friends, and that the presents or recompense were not worth 
taking up ; and that he would much rather have made presents 
out of his own purse to quiet them; but he could no longer 
keep them still, and that I must be careful in going alone in 
the woods; that those who knew me would do me no harm, 
but I might meet Indians who did not know me, who would 
shoot me. I told him that he ought to go to Commander 
Kieft at the fort, and tell the same things to him. We went 
to the fort, and coming to the commander, the chief of these 
Indians told the same things to him. Commander Kieft told 
this savage he was a chief of the Indians and must kill these 
young madcaps who wished to engage in a war with the 
Swannekens, and he would give him two hundred fathoms of 
zeewan. I then laughed within myself, that the Indian should 
kill his friends for two hundred fathoms of zeewan that is 
eight hundred guilders to gratify us. It is true that they do 
so towards each other, when they are at enmity with each other, 


but not at the will of foreigners. Then the Indian said this 
could not be done by him ; that there were many malcontents. 
Had he (the Governor) paid richly for the murder, it would have 
been entirely forgotten. He himself would do his best to 
keep them quiet, but he was afraid he could not, for they were 
continually calling for vengeance. 1 

The 28th of September, arrived a herring buss from Rot- 
terdam; the master was named Jacob Blenck. He was laden 
with a hundred pipes of Madeira wine, and had come by the 
way of the West Indies, wishing to go to the Virginias, but could 
not find them, and had sailed quite to New England. He 
could not sell his wine there, because the English there live 
soberly. He was compelled to return, and came along the 
coast inside of Long Island, through Hellgate to Fort Amster- 
dam; and coming here he could not dispose of his wines here 
either, because here was a prize laden with wines which the 
Company had captured. He sold his wines to an Englishman 
to be taken to the Virginias. As he could find no one who could 
pilot him to the Virginias, he asked me if I would take him 
there, as he understood that I wished to go there in order to take 
a well-mounted ship for the Fatherland, because my farms, 
where I had begun my colonies, were lying in ashes; and the 
Indians were discontented and desired to go to war again, or to 
have satisfaction. I promised the skipper that I would take 
him there out of friendship, and told him that he must provide 
himself with bread here if needed, for it was difficult to obtain 
it in the Virginias, because every one there only produced for 

The 1st of October, nine savages came to Pavonia opposite 
the fort, where there were three or four soldiers stationed to 
protect the farmer who lived there, named Jacob Stoffelsz., 
towards whom they were so well disposed that they did not wish 
to kill him. So they made a pretended errand, and persuaded 
him to go over to the fort (Amsterdam), and he came over 
accordingly; then they went under the guise of friendship, 
when the soldiers had no arms in their hands, and killed them 
all, except the young son of his wife by a former marriage, 

1 In September Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and other English settlers in the 
Dutch province were murdered by the Indians. The warfare nearly brought 
New Netherland to utter ruin. 


whom they took with them captive to Tapaen. They set fire 
to the farm-house and all the other houses at Pavonia; and 
thus began a new war. The next day the Governor came to me 
with the step-father of the little boy that was made prisoner by 
the Indians. He was the son of Cornelis van Vorst. 1 The Gov- 
ernor asked me if I would go to the savages to obtain the re- 
lease of the boy, as nobody dared go to the Indians except me. 
I said I would send them one or two Indians; but if I brought 
them to the fort, they must not be misused, for they would 
come with me upon my word. So I went over to Long Island 
and brought with me two Indians to go to Tapaen to obtain 
the release of the boy. When I brought the Indians over, 
every one wanted to kill them, and I had enough to do to save 
them. I took them to a privateer which was lying there, 
which carried them away, and they released the boy. 

The 8th of the same month I took my leave of Commander 
Kieft, and left in the Rotterdammer buss for the English 
Virginias; and, in taking leave of Willem Kieft, I told him 
that this murder which he had committed on so much innocent 
blood would yet be avenged upon him, and thus I left him. 
Sailed past Staten Island through the Narrows to Sandy Hook, 
where we were detained two days by contrary winds. Picked 
each day some blue-plums, which are abundant there, and 
grow there naturally wild. 

The llth, weighed anchor to sail from Sandy Hook to the 
Virginias, with a northwest wind and a weather shore. 2 

1 Formerly Michiel Pauw's factor at Pavonia. 

* After a brief visit to the Swedes on the Delaware, De Vries reached Virginia 
October 21. There he remained through the winter, part of the time as the guest 
of Governor Berkeley. In April, 1644, he sailed for home, and on June 21, "by 
the mercy of Almighty God, arrived here within my paternal city of Hoorn, where 
I have an ancestry of two hundred years on the father's side, and at Amsterdam 
on my mother's side, and came to my house at three o'clock, for which our God 
must be eternally praised, that he should have brought me again to my Father- 
land, after such long and tedious voyages, and through so many perils of savage 

JOGUES, 1643, 1645 


FOR a century and a half after the definite establishment of 
Protestantism in northern Europe, the missionary activity of 
the Christian Church, it is not too much to say, was almost 
confined to its Catholic branch. The missionary efforts and 
achievements of the Protestant or national churches, mainly 
perhaps because they were national, were insignificant in com- 
parison with those of the Catholics. While in the latter the 
older orders did their part, none equalled in ardor and energy 
the new-born forces of the Society of Jesus. There are no 
more moving pages in the annals of Christian heroism than 
those which describe the sacrifices and sufferings of the Jesuit 
missionaries in the East Indies and Japan, in Africa and 
America, their holy zeal and their unselfish devotion. In 
Canada their labors took on especial vigor after the province 
was restored to the French by the treaty of 1632. Their 
mission to the Hurons was particularly successful, till the 
Huron nation and their missionaries were alike overwhelmed 
by the terrible Iroquois in 1649. 

The missionary activity of the Jesuits among the heathen 
of the American wilderness is mainly chronicled in the series 
of exceedingly rare little books called the Relations des Jesuites, 
annual bulletins from the missionary field, published for pur- 
poses of edification at Paris from 1632 to 1672, and republished 
in our time in Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites's noble series, The 
Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland, 1896-1901, 
in 73 volumes). A capital general survey and estimate of this 
whole body of literature rriay be found in an article by Professor 
Charles W. Colby in the American Historical Review, VII. 



36-55. The relations with which we are particularly concerned, 
because of the visit of Father Isaac Jogues to New Netherland 
in 1643, are that of 1642-1643, written early in the autumn of 
the latter year by Father Vimont, superior of the Jesuits in 
Canada, and that of 1647 by Father Jerome Lalemant. Only 
the portions strictly relating to New Netherland are here 
reprinted. For the full story of Father Jogues's capture by 
the Iroquois, of the dreadful tortures and sufferings to which 
he was subjected by them, and of his year of captivity in their 
villages, the reader is referred to Dr. Thwaites's pages. As he 
reads, the student should bear ever in mind that the man on 
whom all these sufferings were inflicted was not a rough, 
hardened coureur de bois, but a refined scholar, a delicate 

Isaac Jogues, a Frenchman, born at Orleans in 1607, studied 
in the Jesuit college in that city, and entered the Company of 
Jesus at Paris in 1624. For four years, 1629-1633, he was a 
professor at Rouen; then for three years he studied theology 
in Paris. Throughout his years of study he was noted for his 
burning love of souls and his longing for the missionary life. 
In 1636 he was sent out to New France, where he entered 
with the greatest ardor into the work of the Huron mission. 
In August, 1642, while he was making his way up the St. 
Lawrence with two French coadjutors (donnes), Rene Goupil 
and Guillaume Couture, and a number of Huron converts, 
the whole party fell into an ambush of Iroquois, deadly enemies 
of the Hurons. Refusing the chance of escape, he chose to 
remain with his French and Indian associates, to share their 
fate, and to supply to these precious souls the ministrations of 
a priest. The three Frenchmen were subjected to terrible 
tortures. Goupil was murdered at the feet of the father. The 
latter, dragged from village to village of the Mohawks, spent 
the whole year in miserable captivity and suffering, with the 
constant prospect of most painful death, happy if he could 


furtively administer baptism or absolution or comfort to any 
of his Huron dependents, or make the slightest impression 
favorable to Christianity upon the hard heart of any Mohawk. 
The story of his escape, by way of Fort Orange and Manhattan, 
is related in the following pages. 

The sincerity of Father Jogues in professing willingness to 
be laid upon the altar is attested by his subsequent conduct. 
After a brief stay in France, early in 1644 he returned again to 
Canada. In July, 1645, peace was concluded at Three Rivers 
between the Mohawks and the governor of New France. In 
May, 1646, when the governor wished to send an embassy to 
that tribe, Father Jogues undertook the dangerous mission, 
was well received by his former captors, and returned in safety. 
Hoping that the way was now open for missionary success, he 
determined to go back among them. To a friend in France he 
wrote, "My heart tells me that if I have the good fortune to be 
employed in this mission, ibo et non redibo, I shall go and I 
shall not return ; but I should be happy if it should be the will 
of Our Lord to finish the sacrifice there where he began it." 
He set out on September 24, 1646. But the temper of the 
Mohawks had changed. An influential portion of them now 
wished to renew war with the French, and public opinion 
attributed a pestilence from which the tribe had suffered to 
the evil influence of a box which the missionary had left in a 
Mohawk village in the spring. The father was seized as he 
was making his way from Lake George to the Mohawk country. 
There was much deliberation. It was decided to spare him. 
But a hostile Indian suddenly slew him with one blow of his 
hatchet. He died October 18, 1646, at the village of Osserue- 
non, near the present Auriesville, New York. On the supposed 
site of his martyrdom a Catholic chapel was erected in 1884 as 
a memorial to him and to Rene Goupil, and in the same year 
the third plenary council of Baltimore requested of the Pope 
his beatification. 


The original documents for the history of Father Jogues's 
first captivity among the Mohawks have mostly been printed 
by Dr. Thwaites, and also by the late Dr. John Gilmary Shea 
in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, second 
series, III. 173-219. They are the following: First, we find 
the letter of warning which he wrote to the governor of New 
France, June 30, 1643, along with an account of his captivity 
by a Huron who had escaped, in the Relation of 1642-1643, 
chapter xn. (Thwaites, XXIV. 295-297; Shea, 206-207). 
Secondly, there is a long letter which he wrote in Latin 
from Rensselaerswyck, August 5, 1643, to the Provincial 
of the Jesuits in Paris, and of which the Latin manuscript is 
still preserved in the archives of the College of Saint Mary at 
Montreal. This describes in detail his terrible sufferings among 
the Iroquois, but says little of New Netherland. It was 
printed in the original Latin in Alegambe's Jesuit martyr- 
ology, Mortes Illustres (Rome, 1657), and in Tanner's Societas 
Militans (Prague, 1675), pp. 511-525. A translation by Dr. 
Shea, from the manuscript at Montreal, is printed in the New 
York Collections, second series, III. 173-206. An Italian 
version which appeared in Father Bressani's Breve Relatione 
(Macerata, 1653) is reprinted in Thwaites, XXXIX. 175-225, 
with an English translation. Thirdly, there is the letter 
written from Rensselaerswyck August 30, 1643, to Father 
Charles Lalemant, superior of the Jesuits in Canada, covering 
the journey from the Iroquois village to the Dutch settlement, 
which is reproduced in the present volume. Its French text 
is to be found in chapter xiv. of the Relation of 1642-1643 
(Thwaites, XXV. 43-63; Shea, 207-214). Our English text 
is, by Dr. Thwaites's kind permission, borrowed from his. 
Fourthly, there is a brief account of Father Jogues's escape in 
two letters, one to Lalemant, the other to another friend, dated 
Rennes, January 5 and 6, 1644, which immediately follow in 
the Relation of 1642-1643. Fifthly, there is the much fuller 


account of the stay at Rensselaerswyck and the escape which, 
two or three years afterward, at the time of Father Jogues's 
second stay in Canada, he wrote out for Father Buteux, then 
superior of the Jesuits in New France. This is reproduced, 
partly in the first person, partly in the third, in chapter vn. 
of the Relation of 1647. That relation takes occasion, before 
narrating Father Jogues's martyrdom, to introduce the story 
of his early experiences among the Iroquois. To a large extent 
Father Jogues's story repeats the letter of August 5, 1643, 
mentioned first in this paragraph. But the portion relating 
to events after that date is new, and adds to our knowledge of 
New Netherland beyond what is contained in the letter of 
August 30. This part, accordingly, has been reprinted from 
Dr. Thwaites's collection (XXXI. 93-99). Finally, there is 
the Novum Belgium, separately treated in subsequent pages 
of this book. 


I STARTED the very day of the Feast of Our Blessed Father 
Saint Ignatius l from the village where I was captive, in order 
to follow and accompany some Iroquois who were going away, 
first for trade, then for fishing. Having accomplished their 
little traffic, they stopped at a place seven or eight leagues 
below a settlement of the Dutch, which is located on a river 2 
where we carried on our fishing. While we were setting snares 
for the fish, there came a rumor that a squad of Iroquois, re- 
turned from pursuit of the Hurons, had killed five or six on 
the spot, and taken four prisoners, two of whom had been 
already burned in our village, with cruelties extraordinary. 
At this news, my heart was pierced through with a most bitter 
and sharp pain, because I had not seen, or consoled, or baptized 
those poor victims. Consequently, fearing lest some other like 
thing should happen in my absence, I said to a good old 
woman who, by reason of her age, and the care that she had 
for me, and the compassion that she felt toward me, called me 
her nephew, and I called her my aunt I then said to her: 
"My aunt, I would much like to return to our cabin; I grow 
very weary here." It was not that I expected more ease and 
less pain in our village, where I suffered a continual martyrdom, 
being constrained to see with my eyes the horrible cruelties 
which are practised there; but my heart could not endure the 
death of any man without my procuring him holy baptism. 
That good woman said to me: "Go then, my nephew, since 
thou art weary here: take something to eat on the way." I 
embarked in the first canoe that was going up to the village, 
always conducted and always accompanied by the Iroquois. 

1 July 31. 2 Hudson River. 



Having arrived, as we did, in the settlement of the Dutch, 
through which it was necessary for us to pass, I learn that our 
whole village is excited against the French, and that only my 
return is awaited, for them to burn us. Now for the cause of 
such news. Among several bands of Iroquois, who had gone 
to war against the French, the Algonquins and the Hurons, 
there was one which took the resolution to go round about 
Richelieu, in order to spy on the French and the savages, their 
allies. A certain Huron of this band, taken by the Hiroquois, 
and settled among them, came to ask me for letters, in order to 
carry them to the French, hoping, perhaps, to surprise some 
one of them by this bait; but, as I doubted not that our French 
would be on their guard, and as I saw, moreover, that it was 
important that I should give them some warning of the designs, 
the arms and the treachery of our enemies, I found means to 
secure a bit of paper in order to write to them, the Dutch ac- 
cording me this charity. 1 I knew very well the dangers to 
which I was exposing myself; I was not ignorant that, if any 
misfortune happened to those warriors, they would make me 
responsible therefor, and would blame my letters for it. I 
anticipated my death; but it seemed to me pleasant and 
agreeable, employed for the public good, and for the consolation 
of our French and of the poor savages who listen to the word 
of Our Lord. My heart was seized with no dread at the sight 
of all that might happen therefrom, since it was a matter of 
the glory of God; I accordingly gave my letter to that young 
warrior, who did not return. The story which his comrades 
have brought back says that he carried it to the fort of Riche- 
lieu, 2 and that, as soon as the French had seen it, they fired 
the cannon upon them. This frightened them so that the 
greater part fled, all naked, abandoning one of their canoes, in 
which there were three arquebuses, powder and lead, and some 
other baggage. These tidings being brought into the village, 
they clamor aloud that my letters have caused them to be 
treated like that; the rumor of it spreads everywhere ; it comes 
even to my ears. They reproach me that I have done this evil 

1 The text of this letter, dated June 30, 1643, is given in an earlier chapter 
(ch. xii.) of the Relation of 1642-1643, and may be seen, with a translation, in 
Thwaites's Jesuit Relations, XXIV. 294-297. 

2 At the mouth of the Richelieu River, where now stands Sorel, P. Q. 


deed; they speak only of burning me; and, if I had chanced 
to be in the village at the return of those warriors, fire, rage and 
cruelty would have taken my life. For climax of misfortune, 
another troop coming back from Mont-real, where they had 
set ambushes for the French said that one of their men had 
been killed, and two others wounded. Each one held me guilty 
of these adverse encounters; they were fairly mad with rage, 
awaiting me with impatience. I listened to all these rumors, 
offering myself without reserve to our Lord, and committing 
myself in all and through all to His most holy will. The 
captain of the Dutch settlement where we were, 1 not being 
ignorant of the evil design of those barbarians, and knowing, 
moreover, that Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny 2 had 
prevented the savages of New France from coming to kill some 
Dutch, disclosed to me means for escape. " Yonder," said he 
to me, "is a vessel at anchor, which will sail in a few days; 
enter into it secretly. It is going first to Virginia, and thence 
it will carry you to Bordeaux or to La Rochelle, where it is to 
land." Having thanked him, with much regard for his cour- 
tesy, I tell him that the Iroquois, probably suspecting that some 
one had favored my retreat, might cause some damages to his 
people. "No, no," he answers, "fear nothing; this oppor- 
tunity is favorable; embark; you will never find a more certain 
way to escape." My heart remained perplexed at these words, 
wondering if it were not expedient for the greater glory of our 
Lord that I expose myself to the danger of the fire and to the 
fury of those barbarians, in order to aid in the salvation of 
some soul. I said to him then: "Monsieur, the affair seems 
to me of such importance that I cannot answer you at once; 
give me, if you please, the night to think of it. I will commend 
it to our Lord; I will examine the arguments on both sides; 
and to-morrow morning I will tell you my final resolution." 
He granted me my request with astonishment; I spent the 
night in prayers, greatly beseeching our Lord that he should 

1 Arent van Curler (1619-1667), chief factor of Rensselaerswyck at this time, 
and a man of great influence with the Indians. In the preceding September 
(1642), on hearing of the capture of the Frenchmen, he had gone to the castles of 
the Mohawks to obtain their release, but in vain. His account of his journey, in a 
letter to the patroon, June 16, is reprinted in O'Callaghan's History of New 
Netherland, I. 463, 464. 8 Governor of Quebec. 


not allow me to reach a conclusion by myself; that he should 
give me light, in order to know His most holy will; that in all 
and through all I wished to follow it, even to the extent of being 
burned at a slow fire. The reasons which might keep me in the 
country were consideration for the French and for the Savages; 
I felt love for them, and a great desire to assist them, insomuch 
that I had resolved to spend the remainder of my days in that 
captivity, for their salvation; but I saw the face of affairs quite 

In the first place, as regarded our three Frenchmen, led 
captive into the country as well as I: one of them, named 
Ren6 Goupil, had already been murdered at my feet; this 
young man had the purity of an angel. Henry, whom they had 
taken at Mont-Real, had fled into the woods. While he was 
looking at the cruelties which were practised upon two poor 
Hurons, roasted at a slow fire, some Iroquois told him that he 
would receive the same treatment, and I, too, when I should 
return; these threats made him resolve rather to plunge into 
the danger of dying from hunger in the woods, or of being de- 
voured by some wild beast, than to endure the torments which 
these half-demons inflicted. It was already seven days since 
he had disappeared. As for Guillaume Cousture, I saw scarcely 
any further way of aiding him, for they had placed him in a 
village far from the one where I was; and the savages so occu- 
pied it on the hither side of that place, that I could no longer 
meet him. Add that he himself had addressed me in these 
words: "My Father, try to escape; as soon as I shall see you 
no more, I shall find the means to get away. You well know 
that I stay in this captivity only for the love of you; make, 
then, your efforts to escape, for I cannot think of my liberty 
and of my life unless I see you in safety." Furthermore, this 
good youth had been given to an old man, who assured me that 
he would allow him to go in peace, if I could obtain my deliver- 
ance; consequently I saw no further reason which obliged me 
to remain on account of the French. 

As for the savages, I was without power and beyond hope 
of being able to instruct them; for the whole country was so 
irritated against me that I found no more any opening to speak 
to them, or to win them; and the Algonquins and the Hurons 
were constrained to withdraw from me, as from a victim des- 


tined to the fire, for fear of sharing in the hatred and rage 
which the Iroquois felt against me. I realized, moreover, that 
I had some acquaintance with their language ; that I knew their 
country and their strength; that I could perhaps better pro- 
cure their salvation by other ways than by remaining among 
them. It came to my mind that all this knowledge would die 
with me, if I did not escape. These wretches had so little 
inclination to deliver us, that they committed a treachery 
against the law and the custom of all these nations. A savage 
from the country of the Sokokiois, 1 allies of the Iroquois, 
having been seized by the upper Algonquins and taken a 
prisoner to the Three Rivers, or to Kebec, was delivered and 
set at liberty by the mediation of Monsieur the Governor of 
New France, at the solicitation of our Fathers. This good 
savage, seeing that the French had saved his life, sent in the 
month of April, some fine presents, to the end that they should 
deliver at least one of the French. The Iroquois retained the 
presents, without setting one of them at liberty, which treach- 
ery is perhaps unexampled among these peoples, for they in- 
violably observe this law, that whoever touches or accepts the 
present which is made to him, is bound to fulfil what is asked 
of him through that present. This is why, when they are un- 
willing to grant what is desired, they send back the presents 
or make others in place of them. But to return to my subject : 
having weighed before God, with all the impartiality in my 
power, the reasons which inclined me to remain among those 
barbarians or to leave them, I believed that our Lord would 
be better pleased if I should take the opportunity to escape. 
Daylight having come, I went to greet Monsieur the Dutch 
Governor, and declared to him the opinions that I had adopted 
before God. He summons the chief men of the ship, signifies 
to them his intentions, and exhorts them to receive me, and 
to keep me concealed in a word, to convey me back to Europe. 
They answer that, if I can once set foot in their vessel, I am 
in safety; that I shall not leave it until I reach Bordeaux or 
La Rochelle. "Well, then," the Governor said to me, "return 
with the savages, and toward the evening, or in the night, steal 
away softly and move toward the river; you will find there a 
little boat which I will have kept all ready to carry you secretly 

1 An Abnaki tribe, dwelling in Maine. 


to the ship." After very humbly returning thanks to all those 
gentlemen, I withdrew from the Dutch, in order better to con- 
ceal my design. Toward evening, I retired with ten or twelve 
Iroquois into a barn, where we passed the night. Before lying 
down, I went out of that place, to see in what quarter I might 
most easily escape. The dogs of the Dutch, being then untied, 
run up to me; one of them, large and powerful, flings himself 
upon my leg, which is bare, and seriously injures it. I return 
immediately to the barn; the Iroquois close it securely and, 
the better to guard me, come to lie down beside me, especially 
a certain man who had been charged to watch me. Seeing 
myself beset with those evil creatures, and the barn well closed, 
and surrounded with dogs, which would betray me if I essayed 
to go out, I almost believed that I could not escape. I com- 
plained quietly to my God, because, having given me the idea 
of escaping, Concluserat vias meas lapidibus quadriSj et in loco 
spatioso pedes meos. 1 He was stopping up the ways and paths 
of it. I spent also that second night without sleeping; the 
day approaching, I heard the cocks crow. Soon afterward, a 
servant of the Dutch farmer who had lodged us in his barn, 
having entered it by some door or other, I accosted him softly, 
and made signs to him (for I did not understand his Flemish), 
that he should prevent the dogs from yelping. He goes out at 
once, and I after him, having previously taken all my belong- 
ings, which consisted of a little Office of the Virgin, of a little 
Gerson, 2 and a wooden Cross that I had made for myself, in 
order to preserve the memory of the sufferings of my Savior. 
Being outside of the barn, without having made any noise or 
awakened my guards, I cross over a fence which confined the 
enclosure about the house; I run straight to the river where the 
ship was this is all the service that my leg, much wounded, 
could render me; for there was surely a good quarter of a 
league of road to make. I found the boat as they had told 
me, but, the water having subsided, it was aground. I push it, 
in order to set it afloat; not being able to effect this, on account 
of its weight, I call to the ship, that they bring the skiff to 

1 Lamentations iii. 9, " He hath inclosed my ways with hewu stone," and 
Psalm xxxi. 8, "Thou hast set my foot in a large room." 

: 2 Probably a small edition of the Imitatio Christi, then often attributed to 
Johannes Gerson rather than to Thomas a Kempis. 


ferry me, but no news. I know not whether they heard me; 
at all events no one appeared. The daylight meanwhile was 
beginning to discover to the Iroquois the theft that I was 
making of myself; I feared that they might surprise me in this 
innocent misdemeanor. Weary of shouting, I return to the 
boat ; I pray God to increase my strength ; I do so well, turning 
it end for end, and push it so hard that I get it to the water. 
Having made it float, I jump into it, and go all alone to the 
ship, where I go on board without being discovered by any 
Iroquois. They lodge me forthwith down in the hold; and in 
order to conceal me they put a great chest over the hatchway. 
I was two days and two nights in the belly of that vessel, 
with such discomfort that I thought I would suffocate and die 
with the stench. I remembered then poor Jonas, and I 
prayed our Lord, Nefugerem a facie Domini, 1 that I might not 
hide myself before his face, and that I might not withdraw far 
from his wishes; but on the contrary, infatuaret omnia consilia 
quae non essent ad suam gloriam, I prayed him to overthrow 
all the counsels which should not tend to his glory, and to 
detain me in the country of those infidels, if he did not ap- 
prove my retreat and my flight. The second night of my 
voluntary prison, the minister of the Dutch 2 came to tell me 
that the Iroquois had indeed made some disturbance, and that 
the Dutch inhabitants of the country were afraid that they 
would set fire to their houses or kill their cattle; they have 
reason to fear them, since they have armed them with good 
arquebuses. To that I answer: Si propter me orta est tern- 
pestas, projicite me in mare: 3 "If the storm has risen on my 
account, I am ready to appease it by losing my life;" I had 
never the wish to escape to the prejudice of the least man of 
their settlement. Finally, it was necessary to leave my cavern ; 
all the mariners were offended at this, saying that the promise 
of security had been given me in case I could set foot in the 
ship, and that I was being withdrawn at the moment when it 
would be requisite to bring me thither if I were not there; 
that I had put myself in peril of life by escaping upon their 

1 "Let me not flee from the face of the Lord." 
'Domine Megapolensis. 

' 3 "If the storm has risen on my account, throw me into the sea," an allusion 
to Jonah, i. 12. 


words; that it must needs be kept, whatever the cost. I 
begged that I be allowed to go forth, since the captain who 
had disclosed to me the way of my flight was asking for me. 
I went to find him in his house, where he kept me concealed; 
these goings and these comings having occurred by night, I 
was not yet discovered. I might indeed have alleged some rea- 
sons in all these encounters; but it was not for me to speak in 
my own cause, but rather to follow the orders of others, to 
which I submitted with good heart. Finally, the captain told 
me that it was necessary to yield quietly to the storm, and wait 
until the minds of the savages should be pacified; and that 
every one was of this opinion. So there I was, a voluntary 
prisoner in his house, from which I am writing back to you the 
present letter. And if you ask my thoughts in all these ad- 
ventures, I will tell you. 

First, that that ship which had wished to save my life, 
sailed without me. 

Secondly, if our Lord do not protect me in a manner well- 
nigh miraculous, the savages, who go and come here at every 
moment, will discover me ; and if ever they convince themselves 
that I have not gone away, it will be necessary to return into 
their hands. Now if they had such a rage against me before 
my flight, what treatment will they inflict on me, seeing me 
fallen back into their power? I shall not die a common death ; 
the fire, their rage, and the cruelties which they invent, will 
tear away my life. God be blessed forever. We are inces- 
santly in the bosom of His divine and always adorable provi- 
dence. Vestri capilli capitis numerati sunt; nolite timere; 
multis passeribus meliores estis vos quorum unus non cadet super 
terram sine poire vestro; * he who has care for the little birds 
of the air does not cast us into oblivion. It is already twelve 
days that I have been concealed; it is quite improbable that 
misfortune will reach me. 

In the third place, you see the great need that we have of 
your prayers and of the holy Sacrifices of all our Fathers; 
procure us this alms everywhere, Ut reddat me Dominus idoneum 
ad se amandum, fortem ad patiendum, constantem ad perse- 

1 "The very hairs of your head are all numbered. Fear ye not therefore; 
ye are of more value than many sparrows. And one of them shall not fall on the 
ground without your Father." Matth. x. 30, 31, 29, 


verandum in suo amore, et servitio, to the end that God may 
render me fit and well disposed to love him; that he may 
render me strong and courageous to suffer and to endure ; and 
that he may give me a noble constancy to persevere in his love 
and in his service this is what I would desire above all, 
together with a little New Testament from Europe. Pray for 
these poor nations which burn and devour one another, that 
at last they may come to the knowledge of their Creator, in 
order to render to Him the tribute of their love. Memor sum 
vestri in vinculis meis ; 1 1 do not forget you ; my captivity can- 
not fetter my memory. I am, heartily and with affection, etc. 
From Renselaerivich, this 30th of August, 1643. 

1 " I am mindful of you in my bonds." 


UPON the return from this journey, they command the 
Father to go and accompany some fishermen, who conducted 
him seven or eight leagues below a Dutch settlement. While 
he was engaged in that exercise, he learned from the lips of 
some Hiroquois who came to that quarter that they were 
awaiting him in the village to burn him. This news was the 
occasion of his deliverance, of which having sufficiently 
mentioned it in the Relation for the year 1642 and 1643, 
chapter 14 * I will relate here only some particulars of which 
there has been but little if any mention. The Dutch having 
given him the opportunity to enter a ship, the Hiroquois com- 
plained of it; he was withdrawn thence and conducted to the 
house of the captain, who gave him in custody to an old man, 
until they should have appeased those barbarians. In a 
word, if they had persevered in their demand, and rejected 
some presents that were made to them, the Father would 
have been given up into their hands, to be the object of their 
fury and food for their fires. Now, while they were awaiting 
the opportunity to send him back to Europe, he remained 
six weeks under the guard of that old man, who was very 
miserly, and lodged him in an old garret, where hunger, and 
thirst, and heat, and the fear at every moment of falling back 
into the hands of the Hiroquois, gave him excellent reason to 
cast and submerge himself within the providence of Him who 
had so often caused him to realize His presence. This man was 
the sutler of that settlement ; he made lye every fortnight, then 
carried back his tub to the garret, in which he put water which 
served the Father for drink until the next lye-making. This 

1 See the preceding pages. 


water, which soon spoiled in the summer heat, caused him a 
severe pain in the stomach. They gave him to eat as much as 
was necessary, not to live, but not to die. God alone, and His 
saints, were his company. The minister visited him some- 
times, and bethinking himself one day to ask him how they 
treated him, for never would this good Father have mentioned 
it, if he had not been spoken to about the matter, he answered 
that they brought him very few things. "I suspect as much," 
the minister answers, "for that old man is a great miser, who 
no doubt retains most of the provisions that are sent to you." 
The Father assured him that he was content, and that his 
sufferings had long since been acceptable to him. In this 
garret where the Father was, there was a recess to which his 
guard continually led Hiroquois savages, in order to sell some 
produce which he locked up there: this recess was made of 
planks so slightly joined that one might easily have passed his 
fingers into the openings. "I am astonished," says the 
Father, "that those barbarians did not hundreds of times dis- 
cover me; I saw them without difficulty; and unless God had 
turned away their eyes, they would have perceived me a thou- 
sand times. I concealed myself behind casks, bending myself 
into a constrained posture which gave me gehenna and torture 
two, three, or four hours in succession, and that very often. 
To go down to the court of the dwelling, or to go to other 
places, was casting myself headlong; for every place was 
filled with those who were seeking me to death. Besides, to 
increase my blessings that is to say, my crosses the wound 
which a dog had inflicted upon me, the night that I escaped 
from the Hiroquois, caused me so great a pain that, if the 
surgeon of that settlement * had not put his hand to it, I 
should have lost not only the leg but life; for gangrene was 
already setting in. 

"The captain 2 of the principal settlement, called Manate, 
distant sixty leagues from the one where I was, having learned 
that I was not overmuch at my ease in that vicinity of the 
Hiroquois, or Maquois, as the Dutch name them, commanded 
that I be taken to his fort. By good fortune, at the same time 
when they received his letters a vessel was to go down, in which 
they made me embark in company with a minister, who showed 

1 Presumably Harmen Meyndertsz van den Bogaert. * Kieft. 


me much kindness. He was supplied with a number of bottles, 
which he dealt out lavishly, especially on coming to an island, 
to which he wished that my name should be given with the 
noise of the cannon and of the bottles; each one manifests his 
love in his own fashion." 

This good Father was received in Manate with great tokens 
of affection ; the captain had a black coat made for him, suffi- 
ciently light, and gave him also a good cloak and a hat in their 
own style. The inhabitants came to see him, showing, by 
their looks and their words, that they felt great sympathy for 
him. Some asked him what recompense the Gentlemen of 
New France l would give him, imagining that he had suffered 
those indignities on account of their trade. But he gave them 
to understand that worldly thoughts had not caused him to 
leave his own country; and that the publication of the Gospel 
was the sole good that he had had in view when casting himself 
into the dangers into which he had fallen. A good lad, 
having met him in a retired place, fell at his feet, taking his 
hands to kiss them, and exclaiming, " Martyr, Martyr of Jesus 
Christ!" He questioned him, and ascertained that he was a 
Lutheran, whom he could not aid for want of acquaintance 
with his language; he was a Pole. 

Entering a house quite near the fort, he saw two images 
on the mantelpiece, one of the blessed Virgin, the other of our 
Blessed Louys de Gonzage. 2 When he betokened some satis- 
faction at this, the master of the house told him that his wife 
was a Catholic. She was a Portuguese, brought into that 
country by I know not what chance; she appeared very 
modest and bashful. The arrogance of Babel has done much 
harm to all men; the confusion of tongues has deprived them 
of great benefits. 

An Irish Catholic, arriving at Manate from Virginia, con- 
fessed to the Father and told him that there were some of our 
Fathers in those regions; and that latterly one of them 
following the savages into the woods in order to convert them 
had been killed by other savages, enemies of those whom 

'The Hundred Associates, or Company of New France, who controlled 
Canada from 1627 to 1663. 

8 San Luigi di Gonzaga (Aloysius Gonzaga, 156&-1591), a Jesuit saint, 
beatified 1621, canonized 1726. 


the Father accompanied. 1 Finally, the Governor of the coun- 
try, sending a bark of one hundred tons to Holland, sent the 
Father back, at the beginning of the month of November. 

1 The allusion is doubtless to the Jesuits in Maryland. The tale of martyrdom 
is perhaps due to a distorted version of the death of Father Ferdinand Poulton alias 
Brooke, who was shot, but, according to the uniform tradition of the mission, by 

JOGUES, 1646 


AT some time before his death in 1800, Father Jean Joseph 
Casot, the last of the old race of Jesuits in Canada, seeing his 
order about to expire under the restrictions then imposed by 
the British government, and determined that all the materials 
for its history should not perish by reason of his death, made a 
selection from among its papers, and placed the portion thus 
preserved in the custody of the Augustinian nuns of the Hotel 
Dieu of Quebec. There they remained safe till in 1843 they 
were restored to the Society, then revived and under the 
charge of Father Martin, as superior of the Jesuits in Canada. 
Among these papers was the following, in which Father Jogues, 
at the time of his last sojourn in New France, described New 
Netherland as he had seen it three years before. 

Father Martin presented a transcript of the document, ac- 
companied with an English translation, to the regents of the 
University of the State of New York. The translation was 
then published, in 1851, in volume IV. of O'Callaghan's Docu- 
mentary History of the State of New York (pp. 21-24 of the 
octavo edition, pp. 15-17 of the edition in quarto). The 
French original was printed for the first time in 1852 in an 
appendix to Father Martin's translation of Bressani's Breve 
Relatione. In 1857, Dr. John Gilmary Shea printed in the 
Collections of the New York Historical Society, second series, 
III. 215-219, a translation which, after revision by the pres- 
ent editor, is printed in the following pages. Dr. Shea made 
separate publication of the French text in his Cramoisy series 
in 1862, and in the same year published another edition of 
original and translation. Both likewise appear in Thwaites's 



Jesuit Relations, XXVIII. 105-115. Dr. Thwaites also gives 
a facsimile of the first page of the original manuscript which 
Father Jogues wrote at Three Rivers, with hands crippled by 
the cruel usage of the Mohawks. 

JOGUES, 1646 

NEW HOLLAND, which the Dutch call in Latin Novum 
Belgium in their own language, Nieuw Nederland, that is 
to say, New Low Countries is situated between Virginia and 
New England. The mouth of the river, which some people 
call Nassau, or the Great North River, to distinguish it from 
another which they call the South River, and which I think is 
called Maurice River on some maps that I have recently seen, 
is at 40 deg. 30 min. The channel is deep, fit for the largest 
ships, which ascend to Manhattes Island, which is seven 
leagues in circuit, and on which there is a fort to serve as the 
commencement of a town to be built here, and to be called 
New Amsterdam. 

This fort, which is at the point of the island, about five 
or six leagues from the [river's] mouth, is called Fort Amster- 
dam ; it has four regular bastions, mounted with several pieces 
of artillery. All these bastions and the curtains were, in 1643, 
but mounds, most of which had crumbled away, so that one 
entered the fort on all sides. There were no ditches. For 
the garrison of the said fort, and another which they had built 
still further up against the incursions of the savages, their 
enemies, there were sixty soldiers. They were beginning to 
face the gates and bastions with stone. Within the fort there 
was a pretty large stone church, 1 the house of the Governor, 
whom they call Director General, quite neatly built of brick, 
the storehouses and barracks. 

On the island of Manhate, and in its environs, there may 
well be four or five hundred men of different sects and nations : 
the Director General told me that there were men of eighteen 
different languages; they are scattered here and there on the 

1 See De Vries, p. 212, supra, and the Representation of New Netherland, p. 
326, post. 



river, above and below, as the beauty and convenience of the 
spot has invited each to settle: some mechanics however, 
who ply their trade, are ranged under the fort; all the others 
are exposed to the incursions of the natives, who in the year 
1643, while I was there, actually killed some two score Hol- 
landers, and burnt many houses and barns full of wheat. 

The river, which is very straight, and runs due north and 
south, is at least a league broad before the fort. Ships lie 
at anchor in a bay which forms the other side of the island, and 
can be defended by the fort. 

Shortly before I arrived there, three large ships of 300 
tons each had come to load wheat; two found cargoes, the 
third could not be loaded, because the savages had burnt a 
part of the grain. These ships had come from the West Indies, 
where the West India Company usually keeps up seventeen 
ships of war. 

No religion is publicly exercised but the Calvinist, and 
orders are to admit none but Calvinists, but this is not ob- 
served; for besides the Calvinists there are in the colony 
Catholics, English Puritans, Lutherans, Anabaptists, here 
called Mnistes, 1 etc. 

When any one comes to settle in the country, they lend him 
horses, cows, etc.; they give him provisions, all which he re- 
turns as soon as he is at ease; and as to the land, after ten 
years he pays to the West India Company the tenth of the 
produce which he reaps. 

This country is bounded on the New England side by a 
river which they call the Fresche River, 2 which serves as a 
boundary between them and the English. The English, how- 
ever, come very near to them, choosing to hold lands under 
the Hollanders, who ask nothing, rather than depend on the 
English Milords, who exact rents, and would fain be absolute. 
On the other side, southward, towards Virginia, its limits are 
the river which they call the South River, on which there is 
also a Dutch settlement, 3 but the Swedes have one at its 
mouth extremely well supplied with cannons and men. 4 It 

1 Mennonistes, Mennonites. 8 Connecticut. 

1 Fort Nassau, at the mouth of Timber Creek. 

4 He probably means Fort Nya Elfsborg, on the Jersey side of Delaware Bay, 
below Salem. 


is believed that these Swedes are maintained by some Amster- 
dam merchants, who are not satisfied that the West India 
Company should alone enjoy all the commerce of these parts. 1 
It is near this river that a gold mine is reported to have been 

See in the work of the Sieur de Laet of Antwerp, the table 
and chapter on New Belgium, as he sometimes calls it, or the 
map "Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia." 2 

It is about fifty years since the Hollanders came to these 
parts. 3 The fort was begun in the year 1615; they began to 
settle about twenty years ago, and there is already some little 
commerce with Virginia and New England. 

The first comers found lands fit for use, deserted by the 
savages, who formerly had fields here. Those who came later 
have cleared the woods, which are mostly oak. The soil is 
good. Deer hunting is abundant in the fall. There are some 
houses built of stone; lime they make of oyster shells, great 
heaps of which are found here, made formerly by the savages, 
who subsist in part by that fishery. 

The climate is very mild. Lying at 40 there are many 
European fruits, as apples, pears, cherries. I reached there 
in October, and found even then a considerable quantity of 

Ascending the river to the 43d degree, you meet the second 
[Dutch] settlement, which the tide reaches but does not pass. 
Ships of a hundred and a hundred and twenty tons can come 
up to it. 

There are two things in this settlement (which is called 
Renselaerswick, as if to say, settlement of Renselaers, who 
is a rich Amsterdam merchant) first, a miserable little fort 
called Fort Orenge, built of logs, with four or five pieces of 

1 The reference is to the aid rendered by Samuel Blommaert, an Amsterdam 
merchant, formerly a director of the Dutch West India Company, in fitting out the 
first Swedish expedition in 1637, and in engaging Peter Minuit to command it. 
Blommaert's letters to the Swedish chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstjerna, thirty- 
eight in number, 1635-1641, letters of great importance to the history of New 
Sweden, have just been published in the Bijdragen en Mededeelingen of the Utrecht 
Historical Society, vol. XXIX. 

2 De Laet, Histoire du Nouveau Monde, table of contents, bk. HI. ch. xii. 
(see pp. 53, 54, supra), and map. 

* An exaggeration. There is no evidence of Dutch visits before Hudson's. 


Breteuil cannon, and as many pedereros. This has been re- 
served and is maintained by the West India Company. This 
fort was formerly on an island in the river; it is now on the 
mainland, towards the Hiroquois, a little above the said island. 
Secondly, a colony sent here by this Renselaers, who is the 
patron. This colony is composed of about a hundred persons, 
who reside in some twenty-five or thirty houses built along the 
river, as each found most convenient. In the principal house 
lives the patron's agent; the minister has his apart, in which 
service is performed. There is also a kind of bailiff here, whom 
they call the seneschal, 1 who administers justice. All their 
houses are merely of boards and thatched, with no mason work 
except the chimneys. The forest furnishing many large pines, 
they make boards by means of their mills, which they have 
here for the purpose. 

They found some pieces of ground all ready, which the 
savages had formerly cleared, and in which they sow wheat and 
oats for beer, and for their horses, of which they have great 
numbers. There is little land fit for tillage, being hemmed 
in by hills, which are poor soil. This obliges them to separate, 
and they already occupy two or three leagues of country. 

Trade is free to all; this gives the Indians all things cheap, 
each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbor, and being 
satisfied provided he can gain some little profit. 

This settlement is not more than twenty leagues from the 
Agniehronons, 2 who can be reached by land or water, as the 
river on which the Iroquois lie, 3 falls into that which passes 
by the Dutch; but there are many low rapids, and a fall of a 
short half league, where the canoe must be carried. 

There are many nations between the two Dutch settlements, 
which are about thirty German leagues apart, that is, about 
fifty or sixty French leagues. 4 The Wolves, whom the Iroquois 
call Agotsaganens, 5 are the nearest to the settlement of Rense- 
laerswick and to Fort Orange. War breaking out some years 
ago between the Iroquois and the Wolves, the Dutch joined 
the latter against the former; but four men having been taken 
and burnt, they made peace. 6 Since then some nations near 

1 The schaut. 2 The Mohawks. 3 Mohawk River. 

4 One hundred and fifty English miles. 6 The Mohicans. 

6 See pp. 84, 85, supra. 


the sea having killed some Hollanders of the most distant 
settlement, the Hollanders killed one hundred and fifty Indians, 
men, women and children, they having, at divers times, killed 
forty Hollanders, burnt many houses, and committed ravages, 
estimated at the time that I was there at 200,000 1. (two hun- 
dred thousand livres). 1 Troops were raised in New England. 
Accordingly, in the beginning of winter, the grass being 
trampled down and some snow on the ground, they gave them 
chase with six hundred men, keeping two hundred always on 
the move and constantly relieving one another; so that the 
Indians, shut up in a large island, and unable to flee easily, on 
account of their women and children, were cut to pieces to 
the number of sixteen hundred, including women and children. 
This obliged the rest of the Indians to make peace, which still 
continues. This occurred in 1643 and 1644. 2 

From Three Rivers in New France, August 3, 1646. 

1 Livres tournois or francs, worth two or three times as much as francs of our 

8 See the next piece. 



AN account of the great Indian war which so desolated the 
province of New Netherland, and of some other actions of 
Kieft's administration, written from his point of view or that 
of his supporters, must be regarded as an important piece of 
evidence. It is the more to be welcomed because on the whole 
our evidences for New Netherland history come mainly from 
opponents of the provincial administration and of the West 
India Company. The archives of the company disappeared 
almost completely many years ago, the bulk of them having 
apparently been sold for waste paper not many years before 
Brodhead went to Holland upon his memorable search. Of 
Kieft's papers, we may suppose that the greater part were 
lost when the Princess was shipwrecked on the Welsh coast in 
September, 1647, and the deposed director and all his posses- 
sions were lost. 

The document which follows was found by Brodhead in the 
Royal Library of the Hague. It is still there and is designated 
No. 78 H 32. It has an outside cover forming a title-page, 
with ornamental lettering, but it is not the "book ornamented 
with water-color drawings" which Kieft is known to have sent 
home. A photograph of the first page, which the editor has 
procured, does nothing to show the authorship, for it is written 
in the hand of a professional scrivener. Mr. van Laer, archi- 
vist of the State of New York, assures the editor that it is 
not in the hand of Kieft or that of Cornelis van Tienhoven, the 
provincial secretary. 1 But that it was either inspired by Kieft, 
or emanated from one of his supporters, is plain not only from 

1 Mr. J. H. Innes tells me that it resembles that of Augustin Herrman. 



its general tone but from its citations of documents. Of the 
documents to which its marginal notes refer, some of those 
that we can still trace are noted in the archives of the Nether- 
lands as "from a copy-book of Director Kieft's." The rest, 
or the original copy-book, may have perished with him. 

The piece was first printed in 1851, in the Documentary 
History of the State of New York, IV. 1-17. It was printed 
for the second time in 1856, in Documents relating to the Colonial 
History of New York, I. 179-188. For the present issue this 
early and imperfect translation has been revised with great 
care by Dr. Johannes de Hullu of the National Archives of the 
Netherlands, who has used for this purpose the original manu- 
script in the Royal Library. 


Journal of New Netherland, 1647, described in the Years 1641, 
1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646. 

Brief Description of New Netherland. 

NEW NETHERLAND (so called because it was first frequented 
and peopled by the free Netherlanders) is a province in the 
most northern part of America lying between New England 
(which bounds it on the northeast side) and Virginia lying to 
the southwest of it. The ocean washes its whole length along 
a clean sandy coast, very similar to that of Flanders or Holland, 
having except the rivers few bays or harbors for ships; the 
air is very temperate, inclining to dryness, healthy, little 
subject to sickness. The four seasons of the year are about 
as in France, or the Netherlands. The difference is, the 
spring is shorter because it begins later, the summer is warmer 
because it comes on more suddenly, the autumn is long and 
very pleasant, the winter cold and liable to much snow. Two 
winds ordinarily prevail: the N. W. in winter and the S. W. 
in summer; the other winds are not common; the N. W. 
corresponds with our N. E. because it blows across the country 
from the cold point as our N. E. does. The S. W. is dry and hot 
like our S. E. because it comes from the warm countries; the 
N. E. is cold and wet like our S. W. for similar reasons. The 
character of the country is very like that of France ; the land is 
fairly high and level, especially broken along the coast by 
small rocky hills unfit for agriculture; farther in the interior 
are pretty high mountains (generally exhibiting great appear- 
ance of minerals) between which flow a great number of small 
rivers. In some places there are even some lofty ones of 
extraordinary height, but not many. Its fertility falls behind 
no province in Europe in excellence of fruits and seeds. There 



are three principal rivers, to wit : the Fresh, the Mauritius and 
the South River, 1 all three reasonably wide and deep, adapted 
for the navigation of large ships twenty-five leagues up and of 
common barks even to the falls. From the River Mauritius off 
to beyond the Fresh River stretches a channel that forms an 
island, forty leagues long, called Long Island, which is the 
ordinary passage from New England to Virginia, having on 
both sides many harbors to anchor in, so that people make no 
difficulty about navigating it in winter. The country is gener- 
ally covered with trees, except a few valleys and some large 
flats of seven or eight leagues and less; the trees are as in 
Europe, viz. oak, hickory, chestnut, vines. The animals are 
also of the same species as ours, except lions and some other 
strange beasts, many bears, abundance of wolves which harm 
nobody but the small cattle, elks and deer in abundance, foxes, 
beavers, otters, minks and such like. The birds which are 
natural to the country are turkeys like ours, swans, geese of 
three sorts, ducks, teals, cranes, herons, bitterns, two sorts of 
partridges, four sorts of heath fowls, grouse or pheasants. The 
river fish is like that of Europe, viz. carp, sturgeon, salmon, 
pike, perch, roach, eel, etc. In the salt waters are found cod- 
fish, haddock, herring and so forth, also abundance of oysters 
and clams. 

The Indians are of ordinary stature, strong and broad 
shouldered; olive color, light and nimble of foot, subtle of 
mind, of few words which they previously well consider, 
hypocritical, treacherous, vindictive; brave and obstinate in 
self-defence, in time of need right resolute to die. They seem 
to despise all the torments that can be inflicted on them without 
once uttering a sigh go almost naked except a lap which hangs 
before their private parts, and on the shoulders a deer skin or a 
mantle, a fathom square, of woven Turkey feathers or peltries 
sewed together. They now make great use of duffel cloths, 
blue or red, in consequence of the frequent visits of the Chris- 
tians. In winter they make shoes of deer skins, manufactured 
after their fashion. Except their chiefs, they have generally 
but one wife whom they frequently change according to 
caprice; she must do all the work, as well corn-planting as 
wood-cutting and whatever else is to be done. They are 

1 Connecticut, Hudson and Delaware. 


divided into various nations. They differ even in language, 
which would be altogether too long to be narrated in this short 
space. They dwell together in tribes, mostly of one con- 
sanguinity, over which commands a chief who is general and is 
generally called Sackema, possessing not much authority and 
little advantage, unless in their dances and other ceremonies. 
They have no knowledge at all of God, no divine worship, no 
law, no justice; the strongest does what he pleases and the 
youths are master. Their weapons are the bow and arrow, 
in the use of which they are wonderful adepts. They live by 
hunting and fishing in addition to maize which the women 

By Whom and How New Netherland was peopled. 

The subjects of the Lords States General had for a consider- 
able time frequented this country solely for the purpose of the 
fur trade. Then, in the year 1623, the Chartered West India 
Company caused four forts to be erected in that country two 
on the River Mauritius and one on each of the other [rivers]; the 
biggest stands on the point where the Mauritius River begins, 
and the other one, 1 mentioned heretofore, which their Honors 
named New Amsterdam; and six and thirty leagues upwards 
another called Orange. That on the South River is called 
Nassauw and that on Fresh River, the Good Hope. The 
Company has since continually maintained garrisons there. 
In the beginning their Honors had sent a certain number of 
settlers thither, and at great expense had three sawmills 
erected, which never realised any profit of consequence, on 
account of their great heaviness, and a great deal of money 
was expended for the advancement of the country, but it never 
began to be settled until every one had liberty to trade with the 
Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one calculated to re- 
main there longer than the expiration of his bounden time, and 
therefore they did not apply themselves to agriculture. Yea, 
even the colony of Renselaerwyck was of little consequence; 
but as soon as it was permitted, many servants, who had some 
money coming to them from the Company, applied for their 
discharge, built houses and formed plantations, spread them- 

1 East River, apparently. 


selves far and wide, each seeking the best land, and to be 
nearest the Indians in order thus to trade with them easily, 
others bought barks with which to trade goods at the North 
and at the South, and as the Lords Directors gave free passage 
from Holland thither, that also caused some to come. On the 
other hand, the English came also from both Virginia and New 
England. Firstly, many servants, whose time with their 
masters had expired, on account of the good opportunity to 
plant tobacco here, afterwards families and finally entire col- 
onies, forced to quit that place both to enjoy freedom of 
conscience and to escape from the insupportable government 
of New England and because many more commodities were 
easier to be obtained here than there, so that in place of 
seven farms and two or three plantations which were here, 
one saw thirty farms, as well cultivated and stocked with 
cattle as in Europe, and a hundred plantations which in two 
or three [years] would have become well arranged farms. 
For after the tobacco was out of the ground, corn was thrown in 
there without ploughing. In winter men were busy preparing 
new lands. Five English colonies which by contract had 
[settled] under us on equal terms as the others. Each of these 
was in appearance not less than a hundred families strong, 
exclusive of the colony of Rensselaers Wyck which is prosper- 
ing, with that of Myndert Meyndertsz l and Cornelis Melyn, 2 
who began first, also the village New Amsterdam around the 
fort, a hundred families, so that there was appearance of pro- 
ducing supplies in a year for fourteen thousand souls, without 
straining the country, and had there been no want of laborers 
or farm servants twice as much could have been raised, con- 
sidering that fifty lasts of rye and fifty lasts of peas still re- 
mained over around the fort after a large quantity had been 
burnt and destroyed by the Indians, who in a short time 
nearly brought this country to nought and had well nigh 
destroyed this good hope, in manner following 

1 The colony of Hackensack, belonging to Meyndert Meyndertsen van Keren 
and others. See p. 215, note 1. 

8 Cornelis Melyn's colony embraced all Staten Island except De Vries's plan- 


The Games of the New Netherland War and the Sequel thereof. 

We have already stated that the cause of the population of 
New Netherland was the liberty to trade with the Indians. 
We shall now prove that it also is the cause of its ruin, produc- 
ing two contrary effects, and that not without reason as shall 
appear from the following. 

This liberty then which in every respect should have been 
most gratefully received, of which use should have been made 
as of a precious gift, was very soon perverted to a great abuse. 
For every one thought that now the time had come to make 
his fortune, withdrew himself from his comrade, as if holding 
him suspect and the enemy of his gains, and sought communi- 
cation with the Indians from whom it appeared his profit was 
to be derived. That created first a division of power of dan- 
gerous consequence, in opposition to Their High Mightinesses' 
motto * produced altogether too much familiarity with the 
Indians which in a short time brought forth contempt, usually 
the father of hate not being satisfied with merely taking them 
into their houses in the customary manner, but attracting 
them by extraordinary attention, such as admitting them to 
the table, laying napkins before them, presenting wine to them 
and more of that kind of thing, which they did not receive like 
Esop's man, but as their due and desert, insomuch that they 
were not content but began to hate when such civilities were 
not shewn them. To this familiarity and freedom succeeded 
another evil. As the cattle usually roamed through the 
woods without a herdsman, they frequently came into the 
corn of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides, committing 
great damage there; this led to frequent complaints on their 
part and finally to revenge on the cattle without sparing even 
the horses, which were valuable in this country. Moreover 
many of ours took the Indians into service, making use of them 
in their houses and thus, whilst they were being employed, 
laying open before those Indians our entire circumstances; 
and sometimes becoming weary of their work, they took leg- 
bail and stole much more than the amount of their wages. 
This freedom caused still greater mischief, for the inhabitants 

1 Eendracht maakt macht, union makes strength. 


of Renselaerswyck who were as many traders as persons, 
perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for guns, which 
some of them had already received from the English, paying 
for each as many as twenty beavers and for a pound of powder 
as much as ten to twelve guilders, they came down in greater 
numbers than was their wont where people were well supplied 
with guns, purchasing these at a fair price, thus realizing 
great profit; afterwards they obtained some from their Heer 
Patroon for their self-defence in time of need, as we suppose 
This extraordinary gain was not kept long a secret, the traders 
coming from Holland soon got scent of it, and from time to 
time brought over great quantities, so that the Mohawks in a 
short time were seen with firelocks, powder and lead in propor- 
tion. Four hundred armed men knew how to use their ad- 
vantage, especially against their enemies dwelling along the 
river of Canada, 1 against whom they have now achieved many 
profitable forays where before they derived little advantage; 
this causes them also to be respected by the surrounding 
Indians even as far as the sea coast, who must generally pay 
them tribute, whereas, on the contrary, they were formerly 
obliged to contribute to these. On this account the Indians en- 
deavored no less to procure guns, and through the familiarity 
which existed between them and our people, they began to 
solicit them for guns and powder, but as such was forbidden 
on pain of death and it could not remain secret in consequence 
of the general conversation, they could not obtain them. This 
added to the previous contempt greatly augmented the hatred 
which stimulated them to conspire against us, beginning first 
by insults which they everywhere indiscreetly uttered railing 
at us as Materiotty (that is to say) the cowards that we might 
indeed be something on water, but of no account on land, and 
that we had neither a great sachem nor chiefs. 

[Here two pages are wanting.] 

he of Witqueschreek living northeast of the island Manhatans, 
perpetrated another murderous deed in the house of an old 
man, 2 a wheelwright, with whom he was acquainted (having 

1 Father Jogues speaks more than once of the ill effects of the Dutch practice 
of selling fire-arms to the Indians. 

2 Claes Smits Rademaker. See p. 213, note 1. 


been in his son's service) being well received and supplied with 
food, pretending a desire to buy something and whilst the old 
man was taking from the chest the cloth the Indian wanted the 
latter took up an ax and cut his head off, further plundering 
the house, and ran away. This outrage obliged the Director 
to demand satisfaction from the sachem, who refused it, saying 
that he was sorry that twenty Christians had not been mur- 
dered l and that this Indian had only avenged the death of his 
uncle who, it was alleged, had been slain by the Dutch twenty- 
one years before. Whereupon all the commonalty were called 
together by the Director to consider this affair, who all ap- 
peared and presently twelve men delegated from among them 2 
answered the propositions, and resolved at once on war should 
the murderer be refused; that the attack should be made on 
[the Indians] in the autumn when they were hunting; mean- 
while an effort should be again made by kindness to obtain jus- 
tice, which was accordingly several times sought for but in vain. 
The time being come many difficulties were alleged and 
operations were postponed until the year 1642, when it was 
resolved to avenge the perpetrated outrage. Thereupon spies 
looked up the Indians who lay in their dwelling-place suspect- 
ing nothing, and eighty men were detailed under the command 
of Ensign Hendrick van Dyck and sent thither. The guide 
being come with the troops in the neighborhood of the Indian 
wigwams lost his way in consequence of the darkness of the 
night. The ensign became impatient, and turned back without 
having accomplished anything. The journey, however, was 
not without effect, for the Indians who remarked by the trail 
made by our people in marching that they had narrowly 
escaped discovery, sought for peace which was granted them 
on condition that they should either deliver up the murderer 
or inflict justice themselves; this they promised, but without 
any result. 

1 " Note A [in the original]. Capt. Patricx letter 21 August 1641." I do not 
find this letter in print. Captain Patrick, formerly a soldier under the Prince of 
Orange, was one of the early members of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, but 
had left that colony in 1639 and settled with his Dutch wife at Greenwich. Con- 
cerning his death, at the hands of a Dutch trooper, see Winthrop, II. 153-154, in 
this series. 

2 "Note B. Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August, 1641." 
This document, "from Director Kieft's copy-book," is in N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 415. 


Some weeks after this Miantonimo, principal sachem of 
Sloops Bay, 1 came here with one hundred men, passing through 
all the Indian villages 2 soliciting them to a general war against 
both the English and the Dutch, 3 whereupon some of the neigh- 
boring Indians attempted to set our powder on fire and to 
poison the Director or to inchant him by their devilry, as their 
ill will was afterwards made manifest as well in fact as by report. 
Those of Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter Col, had with 
their neighbors killed an Englishman, a servant of one David 
Pietersen, and a few days after shot dead in an equally treach- 
erous manner a Dutchman, who sat roofing a house in the 
colony of Meyndert Meyndertz, 4 which was established there 
against the advice of the Director and will of the Indians, and 
which by the continual damage which their cattle committed 
caused no little dissatisfaction to the Indians, and contributed 
greatly to the war. The commonalty began then to be alarmed, 
and not without reason, having the Indians daily^in their houses. 
The murderers were frequently demanded, either living or dead, 
even with a promise of reward ; they always returned a scoffing 
answer laughing at us. Finally, the commonalty, very much 
displeased with the Director, upbraided him for conniving with 
the Indians, and [declared] that an attempt was making to 
sell Christian blood; 5 yea, that the will of the entire commonalty 
was surrendered to him, and in case he would not avenge 
blood they should do it themselves, be the consequences what 
they might. The Director advised Pacham the sachem, 6 who 
interested himself in this matter, warning him that we should 
wait no longer inasmuch as no satisfaction had been given. 

Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance on those of Witques- 

1 I. e., of the Narragansetts. 

*"Note C. The English Manifest, Page 2." This means that now rare 
pamphlet, A Declaration of Former Passages and Proceedings betwixt the English 
and the Narrowgansets (Cambridge, 1645), published by order of the Commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies. See its text, and the particular passage here re- 
ferred to, in Records of Plymouth Colony, IX. 50. 

3 " Nate D. Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642." I have nowhere seen 
this letter. 

4 " Note E. The order in the Director's letter and in the deposition there- 
upon." See De Vries, p. 215, supra. 

6 "Note F. Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y, 1642." See N. Y. 
Col. Doc., I. 414-415. Of the Haverstraw Indians. 


check without our knowledge through the Mahicanders dwelling 
below Fort Orange, who slew seventeen of them, and made 
prisoners of many women and children. The remainder fled 
through a deep snow to the Christians' houses on and around 
the island Manhatens. They were most humanely received 
being half dead of cold and hunger; .they supported them for 
fourteen days, even corn was sent to them by the Director. A 
short time after, another panic seized the Indians which caused 
them to fly to divers places in the vicinity of the Dutch. This 
opportunity to avenge the innocent blood induced some of the 
Twelve Men to represent to the Director that it was now time, 
whereupon they received for answer that they should put their 
request in writing which was done by three in the name of them 
all, 1 by a petition to be allowed to attack those of Hackingsack 
in two divisions on the Manhatens and on Pavonia. This 
was granted after a protracted discussion too long to be re- 
ported here, so that the design was executed that same night; 
the burghers slew those who lay a small league from the fort, 
and the soldiers those at Pavonia, at which two places about 
eighty Indians were killed and thirty taken prisoners. Next 
morning before the return of the troops a man and a woman 
were shot at Pavonia who had come through curiosity either 
to look at or plunder the dead ; the soldiers had rescued a young 
child which the woman had in her arms. 

The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by 
petition 2 to be allowed to attack and slay the Indians there- 
about; which was refused, as these especially had done us no 
harm, and shewed us every friendship (yea, had even volun- 
tarily killed some of the Raritans, our enemies, hereinbefore 
mentioned). Yet notwithstanding 3 some Christians attempted 
secretly with two waggons to steal maize from these Indians, 
out of their cabins, which they perceiving endeavored to 
prevent, thereupon three Indians were shot dead, two houses 
standing opposite the fort were in return forthwith set on fire. 
The Director knowing nought of this sent at once some per- 

1 " Note G. Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1643." N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 193. 
Its true date was February 22. 

'"Note H. Their petition and the answer thereto, dated 27 Feb. 1643." 
Printed in N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 416-417. 

3 " Note I. Contains the information thereupon." 


sons to enquire the reason of it. The Indians showing them- 
selves afar off, called out " Be ye our friends? ye are mere corn 
stealers" forth with behaving as enemies. This induced one 
of the proprietors of the burnt houses to upbraid therewith one 
Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led the freemen in 
the attack on the Indians, and who being reinforced by an 
English troop had afterwards undertaken two bootless expedi- 
tions in the open field. Imagining that the Director had 
accused him, he being one of the signers of the petition he 
determined to revenge himself. 1 With this resolution he pro- 
ceeded to the Director's house armed with a pistol, loaded and 
cocked, and a hanger by his side; coming unawares into the 
Director's room, he presents his pistol at him, saying, "What 
devilish lies art thou reporting of me?" but by the promptness 
of one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and he him- 
self immediately confined. A short time after, Marine's man 
and another entered the fort, each carrying a loaded gun and 
pistol. The first fired at the Director who having had notice 
withdrew towards his house, the balls passing into the wall 
alongside the door behind him ; the sentinel firing immediately 
on him who had discharged his gun, brought him down. 
Shortly afterwards some of the commonalty collected before 
the Director, riotously demanding the prisoner; they were 
answered that their request should be presented in order and in 
writing, which about 25 men did; they therein asked the 
Director to pardon the criminal. The matters were referred 
to them to decide conscientiously thereupon, in such wise that 
they immediately went forth, without hearing parties or 
seeing any complaints or documents. They condemn him 
in a fine of five hundred guilders, and to remain three months 
away from the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of 
the affair and some considerations, it was resolved to send the 
criminal with his trial to Holland, which . . ? 

In this confusion mingled with great terror passed the 
winter away; the season came for driving out the cattle; this 
obliged many to desire peace. On the other hand the Indians, 
seeing also that it was time to plant maize, were not less 
solicitous for peace, so that after some negotiation, peace was 
concluded in May A. 1643 [more] in consequence of the im- 

1 " Note K. His trial therefor." 3 Gap in manuscript. 


portunity of some than because it was generally expected that 
it would be durable. 

The Indians kept still after this peace, associating daily 
with our people ; yea, even the greatest chiefs came to visit the 
Director. Meanwhile Pachem, a crafty man, ran through all 
the villages urging the Indians to a general massacre. To this 
was added moreover that certain Indians called Wappingers, 
dwelling sixteen leagues up the river, with whom we never 
had any the least trouble, seized on a boat coming from Fort 
Orange wherein were only two men, and full four hundred 
beavers. This great booty stimulated * others to join them, 
so that they seized two boats more, intending to overhaul the 
fourth also, from which they were driven off with the loss of 
six Indians. Nine Christians including two women were 
murdered in these captured barks, one woman and two children 
remaining prisoners. The other Indians, so soon as their maize 
was ripe, were likewise roused, and through semblance of selling 
beavers killed an old man and an old woman, leaving another 
man with five wounds, who however fled to the fort in a boat 
with a little child on his arm, who in the first outbreak had lost 
father and mother, and now grandfather and grandmother, 
being thus twice through God's merciful blessing rescued from 
the hands of the Indians, before it was two years old. Nothing 
was now heard but murders, most of which were committed 
under pretence of coming to put the Christians on their guard. 

Finally they took the field and attacked the farms at 
Pavonia. There were here at the time two ships of war and a 
privateer who saved considerable cattle and grain. Neverthe- 
less it was not possible to prevent the destruction of four 
farms on Pavonia, which were burnt, not by open force, but 
by stealthily creeping through the brush with fire in hand, thus 
igniting the roofs which are all either of reed or straw; one 
covered with plank was saved at that time. 

The commonalty were called together; they were sore dis- 
tressed. They chose eight, in the stead of the previous twelve, 2 
persons to aid in consulting for the best; but the occupation 
every one had to take care of his own, prevented anything 

1 " Note M. Their acknowledgment made before the English 16 January, 
1643, English style." 

" Note N. Resolve of 13 Sept'r. 1643." N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 194. 


beneficial being adopted at that time nevertheless it was 
resolved that as many Englishmen as were to be got in the 
country should be enlisted, who were indeed now proposing to 
depart; the third part of these were to be paid by the com- 
monalty; this promise was made by the commonalty but was 
not followed by the pay. 

Terror increasing all over the land the Eight Men assembled, 
drew 1 up a proposal in writing wherein they asked that dele- 
gates should be sent to the north, to our English neighbors, to 
request an auxiliary force of one hundred and fifty men, for 
whose pay a bill of exchange should be given for twenty-five 
thousand guilders, and that New Netherland should be so long 
mortgaged to the English as security for the payment thereof. 
One of the most influential among the Eight Men had by letter 2 
enforced by precedents previously endeavored to persuade the 
Director to this course, as they had also a few days before 
resolved 3 that the provisions destined for Curagao should be 
unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men 
belonging to them detained, and to send the ships away thus 
empty. This was not yet agreed to nor considered expedient 
by the Director. 

[Here four pages are wanting.] 

[An expedition was despatched consisting of- - regular soldiers] 
under the command of the sergeant, 4 forty burghers under their 
Captain Jochem Pietersen, 5 thirty-five Englishmen under 
Lieutenant Baxter, 8 but to prevent all confusion, Councillor 
La Montagne 7 was appointed general. Coming to Staten 
Island, they marched the whole night, finding the houses empty 
and abandoned by the Indians; they got five or six hundred 
skepels of corn, burning the remainder without accomplishing 
anything else. 

" Note 0. Dated 6th Octob. 1643." 

"Nate P. Dated 9th March, 1643." 

"Note Q. In their resolution 30th September, 1643." 4 Pieter Cock. 

Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, one of the Twelve Men and of the Eight Men. 

George Baxter, an exile from New England, now English secretary under 
Kieft. The number of English colonists in New Netherland, especially on Long 
Island, was rapidly increasing. 

7 Dr. Johannes la Montagne, a Huguenot physician, who with Kieft consti- 
tuted the council of the province. 


Mayane, a sachem, residing eight leagues northeast of us, 
between Greenwich (that lies within our jurisdiction) and 
Stantfort, 1 which is English, a bold Indian who alone dared 
to attack with bow and arrows three Christians armed with 
guns, one of whom he shot dead whilst engaged with the 
other, was killed by the third Christian and his head brought 
hither. It was then known and understood for the first time, 
that he and his Indians had done us much injury, though we 
never had any difference with him. Understanding further 
that they lay in their houses very quiet and without suspicion 
on account of the neighborhood of the English, it was deter- 
mined to hunt them up and attack them, and one hundred and 
twenty men were sent thither under the preceding command. 
The people landed at Greenwich in the evening from three 
yachts, marched the entire night but could not find the Indians, 
either because the guide brought this about on purpose, as 
was believed, or because he had himself gone astray. Retreat 
was made to the yachts in order to depart as secretly as possible. 
Passing through Stantfort some Englishmen were encountered 
who offered to lead ours to the place where some Indians were. 
Thereupon four scouts were sent in divers directions to discover 
them, who at their return reported that the Indians had some 
notice of our people by the salute which the Englishmen gave 
us, but without any certainty, whereupon five and twenty of 
the bravest men were at once commanded to proceed thither 
to the nearest village. With great diligence they made the 
journey, killing eighteen or twenty Indians, capturing an old 
man, two women and some children, to exchange for ours. 
The other troops found the huts empty, and further came hither 
with the yachts. 

The old Indian captured above having promised to lead us 
to Wetquescheck, which consisted of three castles, sixty-five 
men were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who 
found them empty, though thirty Indians could have stood 
against two hundred soldiers since the castles were constructed 
of plank five inches thick, nine feet high, and braced around 
with thick balk full of port-holes. Our people burnt two, 
reserving the third for a retreat. Marching eight or nine 
leagues further, they discovered nothing but some huts, which 

1 Stamford. 


they could not surprize as they were discovered. They came 
back having killed only one or two Indians, taken some women 
and children prisoners and burnt much corn. Meanwhile we 
were advised that Pennewitz, 1 one of the oldest and most ex- 
perienced Indians in the country, and who in the first conspir- 
acy had given the most dangerous advice to wit, that they 
should wait and not attack the Dutch until all suspicion had 
been lulled, and then divide themselves equally through the 
houses of the Christians and slaughter all these in one night- 
was secretly waging war against us with his tribe, who killed 
some of our people and set fire to the houses. It was therefore 
resolved to send thither a troop of one hundred and twenty 
men. The burghers under their company, the English under 
the Sergeant Major Van der Hyl 2 (who within a few days had 
offered his services and was accepted), the veteran soldiers 
under Pieter Cock, all under the command of M r La Montagne, 
proceed hence in three yachts, land in Scouts Bay on Long 
Island, 3 and march towards Heemstede 4 (where there is an 
English colony dependent on us.) Some sent forward in ad- 
vance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a spy. 
Our force was divided into two divisions Van der Hil with 
fourteen English towards the smallest, and eighty men towards 
the largest village named Matsepe, 5 both which were very 
successful, killing about one hundred and twenty men; of 
ours one man remained on the field and three were wounded. 

Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt. Van 
der Hil was despatched to Stantfort, 6 to get some information 
there of the Indians. He reported that the guide who had 
formerly served us, and was supposed to have gone astray in 

1 Chief of the Canarsee tribe, in western Long Island. 

3 John Underbill, whose unctuous piety and profligate life have an important 
place in Winthrop and other New England historians. With Captain John Mason 
he had the leading part in the crushing of the Pequots in 1637. Banished from 
Massachusetts and restored, this amusing reprobate had gone to the Dutch, 
" having good offers made him by the Dutch governor (he speaking the Dutch 
tongue and his wife a Dutch woman)," but had now settled at Stamford. Later 
he lived at Flushing and at Oyster Bay, where he died in 1672. 

3 Now called Manhasset Bay. 

4 Now Hempstead, Long Island, where early in 1644 Robert Fordham and 
other English from Stamford had formed a colony under New Netherland juris- 
diction. 5 Mespath, now Newtown, Long Island. 8 Stamford. 


the night, had now been in great danger of his life among the 
Indians, of whom there were about five hundred together. He 
offered to lead us there, to shew that the former mischance was 
not his fault. One hundred and thirty men were accordingly 
despatched under the aforesaid Gen 1 Van der Hil and Hendrick 
van Dyck, ensign. They embarked in three yachts, and landed 
at Greenwich, where they were obliged to pass the night by 
reason of the great snow and storm. In the morning they 
marched northwest up over stony hills over which some must 
creep. In the evening about eight o'clock they came within a 
league of the Indians, and inasmuch as they should have arrived 
too early and had to cross two rivers, one of two hundred feet 
wide and three deep, and that the men could not afterwards 
rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to remain 
there until about ten o'clock. The order was given as to the 
mode to be observed in attacking the Indians they marched 
forward towards the houses, the latter being set up in three rows, 
street fashion, each row eighty paces long, in a low recess pro- 
tected by the hills, affording much shelter from the northwest 
wind. The moon was then at the full, and threw a strong 
light against the hills so that many winter days were not 
brighter than it then was. On arriving there the Indians were 
wide awake, and on their guard, so that ours determined to 
charge and surround the houses, sword in hand. They de- 
meaned themselves as soldiers and deployed in small bands, so 
that we got in a short time one dead and twelve wounded. 
They were also so hard pressed that it was impossible for one 
to escape. In a brief space of time there were counted one 
hundred and eighty dead outside the houses. Presently none 
durst come forth, keeping within the houses, discharging arrows 
through the holes. The general perceived that nothing else 
was to be done, and resolved with Sergeant Major Van der Hil, 
to set the huts on fire, whereupon the Indians tried every 
means to escape, not succeeding in which they returned back 
to the flames preferring to perish by the fire than to die by our 
hands. What was most wonderful is, that among this vast 
collection of men, women and children not one was heard to 
cry or to scream. According to the report of the Indians 
themselves the number then destroyed exceeded five hundred. 
Some say, full seven hundred, among whom were also twenty- 


five Wappingers, our God having collected together there the 
greater number of our enemies, to celebrate one of their festi- 
vals in their manner, from which escaped no more than eight 
men in all, and three of them were severely wounded. 

The fight ended, several fires were built in consequence of the 
great cold. The wounded, fifteen in number, among whom was 
the general, were dressed, and the sentinels being posted the 
troops bivouacked there for the remainder of the night. On 
the next day, the party set out very early in good order, so as to 
arrive at Stantfort in the evening. They marched with great 
courage over that wearisome range of hills, God affording ex- 
traordinary strength to the wounded, some of whom were badly 
hurt; and came in the afternoon to Stantfort after a march of 
two days and one night and little rest. The English received 
our people in a very friendly manner, affording them every 
comfort. In two days they reached here. A thanksgiving was 
proclaimed on their arrival. 

[The remainder is wanting.] 




fussy incompetence of Kieft and the disastrous results 
of the Indian war he had aroused led at last to his removal, and 
in May, 1647, a new director-general arrived, Petrus Stuy- 
vesant, who had made a good record as governor of Curasao in 
the West Indies. Stuyvesant, the last of the Dutch governors, 
was a man of character, brave, honest, capable and energetic; 
but he was proud, headstrong and tyrannical, and had such 
high notions of a governor's prerogative that from the first he 
conceived a prejudice against the opponents of Kieft, and 
presently Kuyter and Melyn were condemned to severe punish- 
ment for attempting to bring the latter to justice. 

The new director-general was bent on pursuing a vigorous 
policy toward encroaching English and Swedish neighbors, on 
repressing the high claims of the patroon's officers at Rens- 
selaerswyck, on putting the province in good condition for 
defence, on suppressing illegal trading, especially the supplying 
of fire-arms to the Indians, and on regulating with a strong 
hand all the doings of his small body of subjects. But such a 
policy costs money, and to obtain it by taxation he found him- 
self compelled in August, 1647, like many another arbitrary 
ruler, to summon reluctantly the representatives of the people. 
Carefully as the functions of the Nine Men were limited, they 
constituted a permanent element in the governmental system, 
as the Twelve Men and Eight Men had not. It was inevitable 
that sooner or later they should become the mouthpiece of 
popular discontent, which was rapidly increasing under the 
unprosperous condition of the province and the burdensome 
taxes, customs and other restrictions imposed upon its eco- 
nomic life. 



In December, 1648, the board was partly renewed. One 
of the new members, Adriaen van der Donck, a lawyer from 
Breda, who from 1641 to 1646 had been schout for the patroon at 
Rensselaerswyck, soon became the leading spirit of the new 
board. Their sense of popular grievances increasing, they 
planned to send a deputation to the mother country to re- 
monstrate. Stuyvesant opposed, arrested Van der Donck, 
seized some of his papers, and expelled him from the board. 
Nevertheless, a bold memorial to the States General was pre- 
pared, and was signed on July 26, 1649, "in the name and on 
the behalf of the commonalty of New Netherland," by Van der 
Donck and ten others, present or former members of the 
board of Nine Men. In this memorial, which is printed in 
Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, I. 
259-261, the representatives request the Dutch government 
to enact measures for the encouragement of emigration to the 
province, to grant "suitable municipal [or civil] government, 
. . . somewhat resembling the laudable government of the 
Fatherland," to accord greater economic freedom, and to 
settle with foreign governments those disputes respecting 
colonial boundaries and jurisdiction the constant agitation of 
which so unsettled the province and impeded its growth. 

The following document accompanied the memorial, bear- 
ing date two days later, July 28, 1649, and was signed by the 
same eleven men. It is considered probable that Adriaen van 
der Donck was its main author. Its first part, descriptive of 
the province, reads like a preliminary sketch for his Beschry- 
vinge van Nieuw-Nederlant ("Description of New Netherland"), 
a very interesting work published at Amsterdam six years later 
(1655, second edition 1656), and of which a translation appears 
in the Collections of the New York Historical Society , second 
series, I. 125-242. 

With respect to the remaining, or political portion of its 
contents, it is only fair for the reader to remember that it is 


a body of ex parte statements, and should be compared with 
those made on behalf of the administration by Secretary van 
Tienhoven in his Answer, the document immediately following 
this. Stuyvesant, whatever his faults of temper love of 
autocratic power, lack of sympathy with the life of a com- 
munity already far from austere, vindictiveness even con- 
ceived of his province as a political community, not solely as 
a commercial possession, and honestly tried to govern it with 
an eye to its own best interest. The directors, moreover, 
could truthfully say that many of their narrowest actions were 
prescribed by their instructions from the West India Company. 
While the States General were often capable of taking a states- 
manlike view of New Netherland and its needs, the Company 
was chiefly intent on profit, was interested far more in Brazil 
than in New Netherland, and as it lost control of the former 
found itself involved in greater and greater financial embar- 
rassments, which made it increasingly difficult to do justice to 
the latter. We may also set down on the credit side of the 
account that though the administration was slow to concede 
representative institutions to the province, it did not a little 
to organize local self-government, Kieft granting village rights, 
with magistrates and local courts of justice, to Hampstead in 
1644, to Flushing in 1645, to Brooklyn in 1646, while Stuy- 
vesant bestowed such rights on a dozen towns during his 
seventeen years 7 rule and gave New Amsterdam a somewhat 
restricted municipal government in 1653. 

Of those whose signatures follow Van der Donck's at the 
end of the Representation, Augustin Herrman was a Bohemian 
of Prague, who had served in Wallenstein's army, had come 
out to New Netherland in 1633 as agent of a mercantile house 
of Amsterdam, and had become an influential merchant. A 
man of various accomplishments, he probably made the draw- 
ing of New Amsterdam which is reproduced at the foot of Van 
der Do nek's map in this volume. Later he made for Lord 


Baltimore a fine map of Maryland, and received as his reward 
the princely estate of Bohemia Manor. Arnoldus van Harden- 
berg, another merchant, had been a victim of judicial oppression 
by both Kieft and Stuyvesant. Jacob van Couwenhoven had 
come out in 1633 and resided at first at Rensselaerswyck; he 
was afterward of note as speculator and brewer in New Amster- 
dam. Oloff Stevensz van Cortlant had been store-keeper for 
the Company and deacon of the church; later he was burgo- 
master of New Amsterdam. Michiel Jansz and Thomas Hall 
were farmers, the latter, the first English settler in New York 
State, having come to Manhattan as a deserter from George 
Holmes's abortive expedition of 1635 against Fort Nassau on 
South River. Elbert Elbertsz was a weaver, Hendrick Kip a 
tailor. Govert Loockermans, on the other hand, brother-in- 
law to both Couwenhoven and Cortlandt, was the chief mer- 
chant and Indian trader of the province, often in partnership 
with Isaac Allerton the former Pilgrim of Plymouth. Lastly, 
Jan Everts Bout, a farmer, had formerly been superintendent 
for Pauw at Pavonia. Characterizations of these men, by an 
unfriendly hand, may be seen at the end of Van Tienhoven's 
Answer to this Representation. 

Three of the signers, Van der Donck, Couwenhoven and 
Bout, were deputed to go to the Netherlands and present the 
Representation to the States General, while Stuyvesant sent 
Secretary van Tienhoven to counteract their efforts. The 
voluminous papers which both parties presented to their High 
Mightinesses were referred to a committee, which in April, 
1650, submitted a draft of a reformed and more liberal govern- 
ment for the province. The delegates caused their Representa- 
tion to be printed, in a pamphlet of forty-nine pages, now very 
rare, under the title, Vertoogh van Nieu-Neder-Land, Weghens 
de Ghelegentheydt, Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet desselfs 
(Hague, 1650), i. e. } " Representation of New Netherland, con- 
cerning its Location, Productiveness and Poor Condition." 


Much discussion was aroused. "The name of New Nether- 
land," wrote the Amsterdam chamber of the Company to 
Stuyvesant, "was scarcely ever mentioned before, and now it 
would seem as if heaven and earth were interested in it." 
So effective an exposition of the colony's value and of its mis- 
government could not fail to awaken consideration and 
sympathy. Nevertheless, the company, aided by the Answer 
which Van Tienhoven submitted in November, 1650, were 
able to ride out the storm, and to temporize until the outbreak 
of the war of 1652-1654 with England put a new face on 
colonial affairs. A few concessions were made the export 
duty on tobacco was taken off, and a municipal government 
allowed to New Amsterdam, now a town of 700 or 800 inhab- 
itants (1653). But no serious alteration in the provincial 
government resulted. "Our Grand Duke of Muscovy," wrote 
one of Stuyvesant's subordinates to Van der Donck, "keeps on 
as of old." Disaffection among the Dutch settlers never 
ceased till the English conquest, though on the other hand the 
English settlers on Long Island were much better disposed 
toward Stuyvesant's government, and were treated by him 
with more favor. 

Van der Donck's two companions returned to New Nether- 
land before long. He, however, remained in the old country 
until the summer of 1653, occupied with the business of his 
mission, with legal studies, taking the degree of doctor of laws 
at the University of Leyden, and with the preparation of his 
Beschryvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant. The States General gave 
him a copyright for it in May, 1653, but the first edition was 
not published till 1655. In that year the author died, leaving 
to his widow his estate, or "colonie," which he called Colen- 
donck. The name of Yonkers, where it was situated, perpetu- 
ates his title of gentility (Jonkheer van der Donck). 

The original manuscript of the Representation is still pre- 
served in the archives of the Netherlands, and a translation of 


it was printed in 1856 in Documents relating to the Colonial 
History of New York, I. 271-318, and reprinted in Pennsylvania 
Archives, second series, V. 124-170. A translation of the 
printed tract, the text of which differs but very slightly from 
that of the manuscript, was made by Hon. Henry C. Murphy 
and printed in 1849 in the Collections of the New York Historical 
Society, second series, II. 251-329. It exists also in a separate 
form as a pamphlet, and, combined with the Breeden Raedt, in a 
volume privately printed in an edition of 125 copies by Mr. 
James Lenox. It is this translation which, revised by Pro- 
fessor A. Clinton Crowell, is printed in the following pages. 


The Representation of New Neiherland concerning its Location, 
Productiveness, and Poor Condition. 

AMONG all the people in the world, industrious in seeking 
out foreign lands, navigable waters and trade, those who bear 
the name of Netherlanders, will very easily hold their place 
with the first, as is sufficiently known to all those who have 
in any wise saluted the threshold of history, and as will also be 
confirmed by the following relation. The country of which 
we propose to speak, was first discovered in the year of our 
Lord 1609, by the ship Half Moon, of which Hendrik Hutson 
was master and supercargo at the expense of the chartered 
East India Company, though in search of a different object. 
It was subsequently called New Netherland by our people, and 
very justly, as it was first discovered and possessed by Nether- 
landers, and at their cost; so that even at the present day, 
those natives of the country who are so old as to recollect 
when the Dutch ships first came here, declare that when they 
saw them, they did not know what to make of them, and could 
not comprehend whether they came down from Heaven, or 
were of the Devil. Some among them, when the first one 
arrived, even imagined it to be a fish, or some monster of the 
sea, and accordingly a strange report of it spread over the whole 
land. We have also heard the savages frequently say, that 
they knew nothing of any other part of the world, or any other 
people than their own, before the arrival of the Netherlanders. 
For these reasons, therefore, and on account of the similarity 
of climate, situation and fertility, this place is rightly called 
New Netherland. It is situated on the northerly coast of 
America, in the latitude of 38, 39, 40, 41 and 42 degrees, or 
thereabouts, coast- wise. It is bounded on the northeast by 



New England, and on the southwest by Virginia. The coast 
runs nearly southwest and northeast, and is washed by the 
ocean. On the north is the river of Canada, a large river run- 
ning far into the interior. The northwest side is still partially 

The land is naturally fruitful, and capable of supporting 
a large population, if it were judiciously allotted according to 
location. The air is pleasant here, and more temperate than 
in the Netherlands. The winds are changeable, and blow from 
all points, but generally from the southwest and northwest; 
the former prevailing in summer, and the latter in winter, at 
times very sharply, but constituting, nevertheless, the greatest 
blessing to the country as regards the health of the people, 
for being very strong and pure, it drives far inland or consumes 
all damps and superfluous moisture. The coast is generally 
clean and sandy, the beach detached and broken into islands. 
Eastward from the North River lies Long Island, about forty 
leagues in length, forming a fine wide river, which falls at either 
end into the ocean, and affording a very convenient passage 
between the shores which is protected from the dangers of 
the sea by a great number of good bays and other places of 
anchorage, so that vessels even in winter can readily pass east 
and west. Towards the south approaching the South River, 
there are several inlets, but they are muddy and sandy, though 
after proper experiments they could be used. Inside these 
again there are large streams and meadows, but the waters are 
for the most part shallow. Along the seacoast the land is 
generally sandy or gravelly, not very high, but tolerably 
fertile, so that for the most part it is covered over with beauti- 
ful trees. The country is rolling in many places, with some 
high mountains, and very fine flats and maize lands, together 
with large meadows, salt and fresh, all making very fine hay 
land. It is overgrown with all kinds of trees, standing without 
order, as in other wildernesses, except that the maize lands, 
plains and meadows have few or no trees, and these with little 
pains might be made into good arable land. 

The seasons are the same as in the Netherlands, but the 
summer is warmer and begins more suddenly. The winter is 
cold, and further inland, or towards the most northerly part, 
colder than in the Netherlands. It is also subject to much 



^ "Sc 




snow, which remains long on the ground, and in the interior, 
three, four and five months; but near the seacoast it is quickly 
dissolved by the southerly winds. Thunder, lightning, rain, 
showers, hail, snow, frost, dew and the like, are the same as in 
the Netherlands, except that in the summer sudden gusts of 
wind are somewhat more frequent. 

The land is adapted to the production of all kinds of winter 
and summer fruits, and with less trouble and tilling than in the 
Netherlands. It produces different kinds of wood, suitable for 
building houses and ships, whether large or small, consisting of 
oaks of various kinds, as post-oak, white smooth bark, white 
rough bark, gray bark, black bark, and still another kind which 
they call, from its softness, butter oak, the poorest of all, and 
not very valuable; the others, if cultivated as in the Nether- 
lands, would be equal to any Flemish or Brabant oaks. It also 
yields several species of nut wood, such as oil-nuts, large and 
small; walnut of different sizes, in great abundance, and good 
for fuel, for which it is much used, and chestnut, the same as in 
the Netherlands, growing in the woods without order. There 
are three varieties of beech water beech, common beech, 
and hedge beech also axe-handle wood, two species of canoe 
wood, ash, birch, pine, fir, juniper or wild cedar, linden, alder, 
willow, thorn, elder, and many other kinds useful for many 
purposes, but unknown to us by name, and which we will be 
glad to submit to the carpenters for further examination. 

The indigenous fruits consist principally of acorns, some 
of which are very sweet; nuts of different kinds, chestnuts, 
beechnuts, but not many mulberries, plums, medlars, wild 
cherries, black currants, gooseberries, hazel nuts in great 
quantities, small apples, abundant strawberries throughout the 
country, with many other fruits and roots which the savages 
use. There is also plenty of bilberries or blueberries, together 
with ground-nuts and artichokes, which grow under ground. 
Almost the whole land is full of vines, in the wild woods as well 
as on the maize lands and flats; but they grow principally 
near to and upon the banks of the brooks, streams and rivers, 
which are numerous, and run conveniently and pleasantly 
everywhere, as if they were planted there. The grapes com- 
prise many varieties, some white, some blue, some very fleshy, 
and only fit to make raisins of, others on the contrary juicy; 


some are very large and others small. The juice is pleasant, 
and some of it as white as French or Rhenish wine; some is a 
very deep red, like Tent, 1 and some is paler. The vines run 
much on the trees, and are shaded by their leaves, so that the 
grapes ripen late and are a little sour; but with the intelligent 
assistance of man, as fine wines would undoubtedly be made 
here as in any other country. In regard to other fruits, all 
those which grow in the Netherlands also grow very well in New 
Netherland, without requiring as much care to be bestowed 
upon them as is necessary there. Garden fruits succeed very 
well, yet are drier, sweeter, and more agreeable than in the 
Netherlands; for proof of which we may easily instance musk- 
melons, citrons or watermelons, 2 which in New Netherland grow 
right in the open fields, if the briars and weeds are kept from 
them, while in the Netherlands they require the close care of 
amateurs, or those who cultivate them for profit in gardens, 
and then they are neither so perfect by far, nor so palatable, as 
they are in New Netherland. In general all kinds of pumpkins 
and the like are also much drier, sweeter and more delicious, 
which is caused by the temperateness and amenity of the 

The tame cattle are in size and other respects about the 
same as in the Netherlands, but the English cattle and swine 
thrive and grow best, appearing to be better suited to the 
country than those from Holland. They require, too, less 
trouble, expense and attention ; for it is not necessary in winter 
to look after such as are dry, or the swine, except that in the 
time of a deep snow they should have some attention. Milch 
cows also are much less trouble than they are in Holland, as 
most of the time, if any care be requisite, it is only for the pur- 
pose of giving them occasionally a little hay. 

The wild animals are principally lions, 3 but they are few; 
bears, of which there are many, elks and deer in great numbers, 
some of which are entirely white, and others wholly black. 
The savages say that the white deer are of very great conse- 
quence in the estimation of the other deer, and are exceedingly 

1 A deep-red Spanish wine. 

2 The original has water-limoenen, water-citrons, for the watermelon, little 
known in Dutch gardens at this time, was regarded rather as a citron than as a 
melon. 3 Panthers. 


beloved, regarded and honored by the others, but that the 
reverse is true of the black deer. There are various other large 
animals in the interior, but they are unknown to the Christians. 
There are also wolves, dangerous only to small cattle, beavers, 
otters, weasels, wild cats, foxes, raccoons, minks, hares, musk- 
rats, about as large as cats, pole-cats and squirrels, some of 
which can fly. There are also ground-hogs and other small 
animals, but they are for the most part, as we have said, not 
known to the Christians. 

Of birds this country is by no means without its share. 
There are great numbers of birds of prey, as eagles of two kinds, 
the bald-headed, which has the head, tail and principal wing- 
feathers white, and the common kind; hawks, buzzards, 
sparrow-hawks, crows, chicken-hawks, and many others, yet 
all are birds of prey and capable of being trained and used for 
hunting, though they differ somewhat in shape from those in 
the Netherlands. There is also a bird which has its head like 
a cat, and its body like a large owl, colored white. 1 We know 
no name for it in the Netherlands, but in France it is called 
grand due, and is esteemed very highly. 

The other birds found in this country are turkies, the same 
as in the Netherlands, but they are wild, and are plentiest and 
best in winter; several kinds of partridges, some smaller than 
in the Netherlands, others larger, curlews, wood and water 
snipes, pheasants, heath-hens, cranes, herons, bitterns, multi- 
tudes of pigeons resembling ringdoves, but a little smaller; 
quails, merlins, thrushes, shore-runners, but in some respects 
different from those of the Netherlands. There are other 
small birds, some of which sing, but the names of most of them 
are unknown to us, and would take too long to enumerate. 
Water fowl are found here of different kinds, but all very good 
and fit to eat; such as the swans, similar to those in Netherlands 
and full as large ; three kinds of geese, gray geese, which are the 
largest and best, bernicles and white-headed geese, ducks of 
different kinds, widgeons, divers, coots, cormorants and several 
others, but not so abundant as the foregoing. 

The river fish are almost the same as in the Netherlands, 

1 The cat-owl or great barred owl, bubo Virginianus. It is not white, but 
neither is the grand dttc, the European bubo. Van der Donck, in his Beschryvinge, 
says, "of a light ash color." 


comprising salmon, sturgeon, twelves, thirteens, 1 shad, carp, 
perch, pike, trout, roach, thickhead, suckers, sunfish, eel, nine- 
eyes or lampreys, both much more abundant and larger than 
in the Netherlands, besides many other valuable fish which 
we are unable to name. 

In the salt water are caught codfish, haddock, weakfish, 
herring, mackerel, thornbacks, flounders, plaice, sheepshead, 
blackfish, sea-dogs, panyns and many others; also lobsters, 
crabs, great cockles, from which the Indians make the white 
and black zeewant, oysters and muscles in great quantities 
with many other kinds of shell-fish very similar to each other, 
for which we know no names, besides sea and land tortoises. 

The venomous animals consist, for the most part, of adders 
and lizards, though they are harmless or nearly so. There are 
snakes of different kinds, which are not dangerous and flee 
before men if they possibly can, else they are usually beaten to 
death. The rattlesnakes, however, which have a rattle on 
the tail, with which they rattle very loudly when they are angry 
or intend to sting, and which grows every year a joint larger, 
are very malignant and do not readily retreat before a man 
or any other creature. Whoever is bitten by them runs great 
danger of his life, unless great care be taken; but fortunately 
they are not numerous, and there grows spontaneously in the 
country the true snakeroot, which is very highly esteemed 
by the Indians as an unfailing cure. 

The medicinal plants found in New Netherland up to the 
present time, by little search, as far as they have come to our 
knowledge, consist principally of Venus' hair, hart's tongue, 
lingwort, polypody, white mullein, priest's shoe, garden and 
sea-beach orach, water germander, tower-mustard, sweet flag, 
sassafras, crowfoot, plantain, shepherd's purse, mallows, wild 
marjoram, crane's bill, marsh-mallows, false eglantine, laurel, 
violet, blue flag, wild indigo, Solomon's seal, dragon's blood, 
comfrey, milfoil, many sorts of fern, wild lilies of different 
kinds, agrimony, wild leek, blessed thistle, snakeroot, Spanish 
figs which grow out of the leaves, 2 tarragon and numerous other 
plants and flowers; but as we are not skilled in those things, we 
cannot say much of them; yet it is not to be doubted that 

1 Striped bass and drum-fish. See p. 222, note 1. 
1 Probably the prickly pear. 


experts would be able to find many simples of great and dif- 
ferent virtues, in which we have confidence, principally be- 
cause the Indians know how to cure very dangerous and peril- 
ous wounds and sores by roots, leaves and other little things. 

It is certain that the Indigo silvestris grows here spon- 
taneously without human aid. It could be easily cultivated 
if there were people who would undertake it; at least, the other 
species would grow very well and yield a good profit. We 
have seen proof of this in the colony of Renselaerswyck, though 
it was all sown too late and upon a barren rock where there was 
little earth. It came up very well, but in consequence of the 
drought turned very yellow and withered, and was neglected; 
nevertheless it was evident that if it were well covered it would 
succeed. Madder plants also would undoubtedly grow well 
both in fields and gardens, and better than in Zeeland. 

There may be discovered casually or by little search, differ- 
ent minerals, upon some of which tests have been made accord- 
ing to our limited means, and which are found good. We have 
attempted several times to send specimens of them to the 
Netherlands, once with Arent van Corenben by way of New 
Haven and of England, but the ship was wrecked and no tidings 
of it have ever been received. 1 After that Director William 
Kieft also had many different specimens with him in the ship 
the Princess, but they were lost in her with him. 2 The moun- 
tains and mines nevertheless remain, and are easily to be found 
again whenever it may be thought proper to go to the labor 
and expense. In New England they have already progressed 
so far as to make castings of iron pots, tankards, balls and the 
like out of their minerals, and we firmly believe all that is 
wanting here is to have a beginning made; for there are in 
New Netherland two kinds of marcasite, and mines of white 

1 Arent Corssen. Van der Donck says that he and Kieft saw an Indian 
painting his face with a shining mineral. They had it assayed, and it proved to 
contain gold. Arent Corssen, sent to Holland with a bag of it, embarked early 
in 1646 in the "great ship" of New Haven, Captain George Lamberton, for whose 
return into the harbor as a phantom ship, months afterward, see Cotton Mather's 
Magnolia, I. 84 (ed. of 1853), and Longfellow's poem, "The Phantom Ship." 

8 In August, 1647, some months after Stuyvesant's arrival, Kieft sailed for 
Holland. With him sailed his enemy Domine Bogardus, and the chief victims of 
his and Stuyvesant's persecution, Kuyter and Melyn. The ship was wrecked on 
the Welsh coast. Kieft was drowned; his opponents escaped. 


and yellow quicksilver, of gold, silver, copper, iron, black lead 
and hard coal. It is supposed that tin and lead will also be 
found; but who will seek after them or who will make use of 
them as long as there are not more people? 

Fuller's earth is found in abundance, and [Armenian] 
bole; also white, red, yellow, blue and black clay very solid and 
greasy, and should be suitable for many purposes; earth for 
bricks and for tiles, mountain-chrystal, glass like that of 
Muscovy, 1 green serpentine stone in great abundance, blue 
limestone, slate, red grindstone, flint, paving stone, large 
quantities of all varieties of quarry stone suitable for hewing 
mill-stones and for building all kinds of walls, asbestos and 
very many other kinds applicable to the use of man. There 
are different paints, but the Christians are not skilled in them. 
They are seen daily on the Indians, who understand their 
nature and use them to paint themselves in different colors. 
If it were not that explorers are wanting, our people would be 
able to find them and provide themselves with them. 

Of the Americans or NativeSj their Appearance, Occupations, 
and Means of Support. 

The natives are generally well set in their limbs, slender 
round the waist, broad across the shoulders, and have black 
hair and dark eyes. They are very nimble and fleet, well 
adapted to travel on foot and to carry heavy burdens. They 
are foul and slovenly in their actions, and make little of all 
kinds of hardships; to which indeed they are by nature and 
from their youth accustomed. They are like the Brazilians in 
color, or as yellow as the people who sometimes pass through 
the Netherlands and are called Gypsies. The men generally 
have no beard, or very little, which some even pull out. They 
use very few words, which they first consider well. Naturally 
they are very modest, simple and inexperienced; though in 
their actions high-minded enough, vigorous and quick to com- 
prehend or learn, be it right or wrong, whenever they are so 
inclined. They are not straightforward as soldiers but perfid- 
ious, accomplishing all their enterprises by treachery, using 
many stratagems to deceive their enemies, and usually order- 

1 Mica. 


ing all their plans, involving any danger, by night. The desire 
of revenge appears to be bora in them. They are very obsti- 
nate in defending themselves when they cannot run, which 
however they do when they can ; and they make little of death 
when it is inevitable, and despise all tortures which can be 
inflicted upon them while dying, manifesting no sorrow, but 
usually singing until they are dead. They understand how 
to cure wounds and hurts, or inveterate sores and injuries, by 
means of herbs and roots, which grow in the country, and which 
are known to them. Their clothing, both for men and women, 
is a piece of duffels or leather in front, with a deer skin or elk's 
hide over the body. Some have bears' hides of which they 
make doublets ; others have coats made of the skins of raccoons, 
wild-cats, wolves, dogs, otters, squirrels, beavers and the like, 
and also of turkey's feathers. At present they use for the most 
part duffels cloth, which they obtain in barter from the Chris- 
tians. They make their stockings and shoes of deer skins or 
elk's hide, and some have shoes made of corn-husks, of which 
they also make sacks. Their money consists of white and 
black zeewant, which they themselves make. Their measure 
and valuation is by the hand or by the fathom; but their corn 
is measured by denotaSj which are bags they make themsejvesj_ 
Ornamenting themselves consists in cutting their bodies, or 
painting them with various colors, sometimes even all black, 
if they are in mourning, yet generally in the face. They hang 
zeewant, both white and black, about their heads, which they 
otherwise are not wont to cover, but on which they are now 
beginning to wear hats and caps bought of the Christians. 
They also put it in their ears, and around their necks and 
bodies, wherewith after their manner they appear very fine. 
They have long deer's hair which is dyed red, and of which they 
make rings for the head, and other fine hair of the same color, 
to hang from the neck like tresses, of which they are very 
proud. They frequently smear their skin and hair with differ- 
ent kinds of grease. They can almost all swim. They them- 
selves make the boats they use, which are of two kinds, some 
of entire trees, which they hollow out with fire, hatchets and 
adzes, and which the Christians call canoes; others are made 
of bark, which they manage very skilfully, and which are also 
called canoes. 


Traces of the institution of marriage can just be perceived 
among them, and nothing more. A man and woman join 
themselves together without any particular ceremony other 
than that the man by previous agreement with the woman gives 
her some zeewant or cloth, which on their separation, if it hap- 
pens soon, he often takes again. Both men and women are 
utterly unchaste and shamelessly promiscuous in their inter- 
course, which is the cause of the men so often changing their 
wives and the women their husbands. Ordinarily they have 
but one wife, sometimes two or three, but this is generally 
among the chiefs. They have also among them different con- 
ditions of persons, such as noble and ignoble. The men are 
generally lazy, and do nothing until they become old and unes- 
teemed, when they make spoons, wooden bowls, bags, nets and 
other similar articles; beyond this the men do nothing except 
fish, hunt and go to war. The women are compelled to do the 
rest of the work, such as planting corn, cutting and drawing 
fire-wood, cooking, taking care of the children and whatever 
else there is to be done. Their dwellings consist of hickory 
saplings, placed upright in the ground and bent arch-wise ; the 
tops are covered with barks of trees, which they cut for this 
purpose in great quantities. Some even have within them 
rough carvings of faces and images, but these are generally in 
the houses of the chiefs. In the fishing and hunting seasons, 
they lie under the open sky or little better. They do not live 
long in one place, but move about several times in a year, at 
such times and to such places as it appears best and easiest for 
them to obtain subsistence. 

They are divided into different tribes and languages, each 
tribe living generally by itself and having one of its number as a 
chief, though he has not much power or distinction except in 
their dances or in time of war. Among some there is not the" 
least knowledge of God, and among others very little, though 
they relate many strange fables concerning Him. 

They are in general much afraid of the Devil, who torments 
them greatly; and some give themselves up to him, and hold 
the strangest notions about him. But their devils, they say, 
will have nothing to do with the Dutch. No haunting of 
spirits and the like are heard of among them. They make 
offerings to the Devil sometimes, but with few solemnities. 


They believe in the immortality of the soul. They have some 
knowledge of the sun, moon and stars, of which they are able 
to name many, and they judge tolerably well about the 
weather. There is hardly any law or justice among them, 
except sometimes in war matters, and then very little. The 
nearest of blood is the avenger. The youngest are the most 
courageous, and do for the most part what they please. Their 
weapons formerly were the bow and arrow, which they employ 
with wonderful skill, and the cudgel, but they now, that is, 
those who live near the Christians or have many dealings with 
them, generally use firelocks and hatchets, which they obtain in 
trade. They are exceedingly fond of guns, sparing no expense 
for them; and are so skilful in the use of them that they surpass 
many Christians. Their food is coarse and simple, drinking 
water as their only beverage, and eating the flesh of all kinds 
of animals which the country affords, cooked without being 
cleansed or dressed. They eat even badgers, dogs, eagles and 
such like trash, upon which Christians place no value. They 
use all kinds of fish, which they commonly cook without re- 
moving the entrails, and snakes, frogs and the like. They know 
how to preserve fish and meat until winter, and to cook them 
with corn-meal. They make their bread of maize, but it is very 
plain, and cook it either whole or broken in a pestle block. 
The women do this and make of it a pap or porridge, which 
some of them call Sapsis, 1 others Enimdare, and which is their 
daily food. They mix this also sometimes with small beans of 
different colors, which they plant themselves, but this is held 
by them as a dainty dish more than as daily food. 

By whom New Netherland was first Possessed and what its 
Boundaries are. 

That New Netherland was first found, claimed and pos- 
sessed by Netherlanders, has already been stated; but inas- 
much as a dispute has arisen, not only with the Swedes (which 
is of little moment) but especially with the English, who have 
already entered upon and seized a great part thereof, it is 
necessary to speak of each claim in particular and somewhat 

1 Probably a misprint for sapaan. For the next word, the manuscript has 


at large. But because this matter has been treated upon by 
various ingenious minds in its length and breadth, and as 
those claims are so absurd as to require only a few reasons in 
answer to them, we will be as brief as is in any wise practicable. 

After Their High Mightinesses, the Lords States General, 
were pleased, in the year of our Lord 1622, 1 to include this 
province in their grant to the Honorable West India Company, 
their Honors deemed it necessary to take into possession so 
naturally beautiful and noble a province, which was immedi- 
ately done, as opportunity offered, the same as in all similar 
beginnings. Since the year of our Lord 1623, four forts have 
been built there by order of the Lords Directors, 2 one on the 
south point of the Manhatans Island, where the East and 
North Rivers unite, called New Amsterdam, where the staple- 
right 3 of New Netherland was designed to be; another upon the 
same river, six-and-thirty Dutch miles [leagues] higher up, and 
three leagues below the great Kochoos 4 fall of the Mohawk 
River, on the west side of the river, in the colony of Renselaers- 
wyck, and is called Orange ; but about this river there has been 
as yet no dispute with any foreigners. Upon the South River 
lies Fort Nassau and upon the Fresh River, the Good Hope. 
In these four forts there have been always from the beginning 
to the present time some garrisons, although they are all now 
in a very bad condition, not only in themselves but also as 
regards garrisons. 

These forts, both to the south and north, are so situated 
as not only to close and control the said rivers, but also to 
command the plantations between them, as well as those round 
about them, and on the other side of the river as far as the 
ownership by occupation extends. These the Honorable 
Company declared they owned and would maintain against all 
foreign or domestic powers who should attempt to seize them 
against their consent. Yet, especially on the northeast side of 
New Netherland this has been not at all regarded or observed 
by the English living to the eastward; for notwithstanding 
possession was already fully taken by the building and occupa- 

1 1621. 8 Heeren Majores, the managers or directors of the Company. 

3 Staple-right is a privilege granted to the inhabitants of a place, whereby the 
masters of vessels or merchants trading along their coasts are compelled to dis- 
charge their cargoes there for sale, or else pay duties. 4 Cohoes. 


tion of Fort Good Hope, and there was no neglect from time 
to time in warning them, in making known our rights, and in 
protesting against their usurpation and violence, they have 
disregarded all these things and have seized and possessed, 
and still hold, the largest and best part of New Netherland, 
that is, on the east side of the North River, from Cape Cod, (by 
our people in 1609 called New Holland, and taken possession of 
[if we are correctly informed] by the setting up of the arms of 
their High Mightinesses,) l to within six leagues of the North 
River, where the English have now a village called Stamford, 
from whence one could travel now in a summer's day to the 
North River and back again, if one knows the Indian path. 
The English of New Haven also have a trading house which lies 
east or southeast of Magdalen Island, and not more than six 
leagues from the North River, in which this island lies, on the 
east bank twenty-three and a half leagues above Fort Amster- 
dam. 2 This trading post was established for no other purpose 
than to divert the trade of the North River or to destroy it 
entirely, for the river is now quite free. They have also en- 
deavored several times, during eight or nine years past, to 
buy of the Indians a large quantity of land, (which would 
have served more than any other thing to draw off the trade), 
as we have understood from the Indians; for the post is situ- 
ated not more than three or four leagues from the eastern 
bounds of the colony of Renselaerswyck. 

This and similar difficulties these people now wish to lay 
to our charge, all under the pretence of a very clear conscience, 
notwithstanding King James, of most glorious memory, char- 
tered the Virginia Companies upon condition that they should 
remain an hundred miles from each other, according to our 
reckoning. 3 They are willing to avail themselves of this grant, 
but by no means to comply with the terms stipulated in it. 

1 See De Laet, p. 37, supra. The words in square brackets appear in the 
manuscript, but not in the printed pamphlet. 

2 Magdalen Island is in the Hudson near Annandale. It appears that the 
nearest post to the lower Hudson possessed hitherto by the New Englanders was 
that which the New Haven people established in 1646 on the Housatonic near the 
present Derby, Connecticut; and that their nearest post to the upper Hudson 
was that which Governor Hopkins, of Connecticut, set up in 1641 at Woronoco, 
now Westfield, Massachusetts. See, on Van der Donck's map, " Mr. Pinser's 
handel huys (Mr. Pynchon's trading house). 

8 The hundred miles of the Virginia patent of 1606 were English miles. 


All the islands, bays, havens, rivers, kills and places, even 
to a great distance on the other side of New Holland or Cape 
Cod, have Dutch names, which our Dutch ship-masters and 
traders gave to them. 1 These were the first to discover and 
to trade to them, even before they had names, as the English 
themselves well know; but as long as they can manage it and 
matters go as they please, they are willing not to know it. 
And those of them who are at the Fresh River have desired 
to enter into an agreement and to make a yearly acknowledg- 
ment or an absolute purchase, which indeed is proof positive 
that our right was well known to them, and that they them- 
selves had nothing against it in conscience, although they now, 
from time to time, have invented and pretended many things 
in order to screen themselves, or thereby to cause at least delay. 

Moreover the people of Rhode Island, when they were at 
variance with those of the Bay, 2 sought refuge among the 
Dutch, and sojourn among them. For all these things, and 
what we shall relate in the following pages, there are proofs and 
documents enough, either with the secretary of the Company 
or with the directors. 

In short, it is just this with the English, they are willing to 
know the Netherlander, and to use them as a protection in 
time of need, but when that is past, they no longer regard them, 
but play the fool with them. This happens so only because we 
have neglected to populate the land ; or, to speak more plainly 
and truly, because we have, out of regard for our own profit, 
wished to scrape all the fat into one or more pots, and thus 
secure the trade and neglect population. 

Long Island, which, on account of its convenient bays and 
havens, and its good well situated lands, is a crown of the 
province, they have also seized at once, except on the west end 
two Dutch villages Breuckelen and Amersvoort, 3 not of much 
importance and some English villages, as Gravesande, Green- 
wich and Mespat, (from which 4 the people were driven off 

1 An exaggeration, yet the number of such names is considerable, as may be 
seen by consulting the appendix to Asher's Bibliography of Neio Netherland. 

2 Massachusetts Bay. The most conspicuous instance is Mrs. Anne Hutch- 
inson. 3 Brooklyn and Flatlands. 

4 /. e,, from Mespath or Newtown. Gravesend had been settled by Lady 
Deborah Moody, Greenwich in 1639 by Captain Daniel Patrick and Robert 


during the war, and which was afterwards confiscated by 
Director Kieft; but as the owners appealed therefrom, it re- 
mains undecided.) There are now a very few people in the 
place. Also, Vlissengen, which is a pretty village and tolerably 
rich in cattle. The fourth and last village is Heemstede, which 
is superior to the rest, for it is very rich in cattle. 

As we are now on the subject of Long Island, we will, 
because the English claim it, speak of it somewhat particu- 
larly. The ocean on the south, and the East River on the 
north side of it, shape this island ; and as we have said, it is, 
on account of its good situation, of its land, and of its con- 
venient harbors, and anchoring places, a crown of New 
Netherland. The East River separates it from Manathans 
Island as far as the Hellegat. It is tolerably wide and con- 
venient; and has be en inhabited by our freemen from the first, 
according as opportunities offered. In the year 1640 a Scotch- 
man, with an English commission, came to Director William 
Kieft. He laid claim to the island, but his pretension was not 
much regarded; for which reason he departed without ac- 
complishing anything, having influenced only a few simple 
people. Director Kieft also afterwards sent and broke up the 
English who wished to begin a settlement at Oyster Bay, and 
thus it remained for a time. 1 

In the year 1647, a Scotchman came here, who called himself 
Captain Forester, 2 and claimed this island for the Dowager of 
Sterling, whose governor he gave himself out to be. He had 
a commission dated in the eighteenth year of King James's 
reign, but it was not signed by His Majesty or any body else. 
Appended to it was an old seal which we could not decipher. 
His commission embraced the whole of Long Island, together 
with five leagues round about it, the main land as well as the 
islands. He had also full authority from Mary, dowager of 
Sterling, but this was all. Nevertheless the man was very 
consequential, and said on his first arrival that he came here 

Feake, Mespath by Francis Doughty in 1642, Flushing and Hempstead by other 
English in 1645 and 1644. 

1 James Farrett, as agent for Lord Stirling, made grants at Oyster Bay to a 
company of men from Lynn, who began a settlement there. Stirling had received 
a grant of Long Island from the Council of New England in April, 1635. 

2 Andrew Forester, of Dundee. 


to see Governor Stuyvesant's commission, and if that was 
better than his, he was willing to give way; if not, Governor 
Stuyvesant must yield to him. To make the matter short, the 
Director took copies of the papers and sent the man across l 
in the Falconer] but as this vessel put into England, the man 
did not reach Holland, having escaped there, and never troub- 
ling the captain afterwards. The English have since boasted 
of this very loudly, and have also given out that he had again 
arrived at Bastock, 2 but we have not heard of him. It is to 
be apprehended that if he came now, some new act would 
be committed, for which reason it would be well to hasten the 
redress of New Netherland. 

Of the Fresh River. 

After Fort Good Hope, begun in the year 1623, 3 on the 
Fresh River, was finished, some time had elapsed when an 
English bark arrived there. Jacob van Curler, factor of the 
Company, by order of Director Wouter van Twiller, protested 
against it, but notwithstanding his protest they did, a year 
or two afterwards, come there with some families. A protest 
was also made against them; but it was very manifest that 
these people had little respect for it, for notwithstanding 
frequent protests, they have finally seized and possessed the 
whole of the Fresh River, and have proceeded so far in their 
shameless course as, in the year 1640, to seize the Company's 
farms at the fort, paying no regard to the protests which we 
made. They have gone even still further, and have belabored 
the Company's people with sticks and heavy clubs; and have 
forcibly thrown into the river their ploughs and other instru- 
ments, while they were on the land for the purpose of working, 
and have put their horses in the pound. The same things 
happened very frequently afterwards. They also took hogs 
and cows belonging to the fort, and several times sold some 
of them for the purpose, as they said, of repairing the damage. 
Against all these acts, and each one in particular, protests were 
repeatedly made, but they were met with ridicule. Several 

1 Across the ocean. 2 Boston. 

8 A misprint for 1633. The narrative below relates to the English settlers at 
Hartford, founded in 1635. See De Vries, pp. 203, 204, supra. 


sharp letters about this were written in Latin to their governors ; 
of which letters and protests, minutes or copies remain with the 
Company's officers, from which a much fuller account of these 
transactions could be made. But all opposition was in vain, 
for having had a smack of the goodness and convenience of this 
river, and discovered the difference. between the land there and 
that more easterly, they would not go back; nor will they put 
themselves under the protection of Their High Mightinesses, 
unless they be sharply summoned thereto, as it is desirable 
they should be at the first opportunity. 

Of the Eight of the Netherlanders to the Fresh River. 

To speak from the beginning, our people had carefully 
explored and discovered the most northerly parts of New 
Netherland and some distance on the other side of Cape Cod, 
as we find it described, before the English were known here, 
and had set up our arms upon Cape Cod as an act of possession. 
In the year 1614 our traders ' had not only traded at the Fresh 
River, but had also ascended it before any English had ever 
dreamed of going there, which they did first in the year 1636, 
after our fort, the Good Hope, had been a long time in esse and 
almost all the lands on both sides the river had been purchased 
by our people from the Indians, which purchase took place 
principally in the year 1632. Kievets-hoeck 2 was also pur- 
chased at the same time by one Hans den Sluys, 3 an officer of 
the company. On this cape the States' arms had been affixed 
to a tree in token of possession; but the English who now 
possess the Fresh River have torn them down and carved a 
ridiculous face in their place. Whether this was done by 
authority or not, cannot be positively asserted; it is however 
supposed that it was. It has been so charged upon them in 
several letters, and no denial has been made. Besides they 
have, contra jus gentium, per fas et nefas* invaded the whole 
river, for the reason, as they say, that the land was lying idle 
and waste, which was no business of theirs and not true; for 

^driaen Block. 

2 Saybrook Point. Kievit, or kiewit, is the bird pewit. 

3 Hans Eencluys in the manuscript, according to N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 287. 
4 " Contrary to the law of nations, regardless of right or wrong." 


there was already built upon the river a fort which continued to 
be possessed by a garrison. There was also a large farm * near 
the fort, belonging to the Dutch or the Company. Most of the 
land was bought and appropriated and the arms of their High 
Mightinesses were set up at Kievets Hoeck, which is situated 
at the mouth of the river, so that everything was done that 
could be done except that the country was not all actually 
occupied. This the English demanded in addition, just as if 
it were their right, since they were in greater numbers, to 
establish laws for our nation in its own purchased lands and 
limits, and direct how and in what manner it should introduce 
people into the country, and if it did not turn out exactly 
according to their desire and pleasure, that they have the right 
to invade and appropriate these waters, lands and jurisdiction 
to themselves. 

Of the Roden-Berch, 2 by the English called New Haven, and 
other Places of less Importance. 

The number of villages established by the English, from 
New Holland or Cape Cod to Stamford, within the limits 
of the Netherlanders, is about thirty, and they may contain 
five thousand men capable of bearing arms. Their cattle, cows 
and horses are estimated at thirty thousand; their goats and 
hogs cannot be stated; neither of them can be fully known 
because there are several places which cannot well pass for 
villages, but which nevertheless are beginnings of villages. 
Among all these, Roden-Berch, or New Haven, is the first. 
It has a governor, contains about three hundred and forty 
families, and is counted as a province or one of the members 
of New England, of which there are four in all. 3 

This place was begun eleven years ago, in the year 1638, and 
since then the people have broken off and formed Milford, 
Stratford, Stamford and the trading house before spoken of, etc. 

Director Kieft has caused several protests to be drawn 
up, in Latin and in other languages, commanding them by 

1 Brouwerye, brewery, in the printed pamphlet, but bauwery in the manuscript. 
'Red Hill. 

3 1. e., of the United Colonies of New England, the confederation formed in 


virtue of his commissions from the Lords States General, 
His Highness the Prince of Orange and the Most Noble Direc- 
tors of the Chartered West India Company, to desist from their 
proceedings and usurpations, and warning them, in case they 
did not, that we would, as soon as a fit opportunity should 
present, exact of them satisfaction therefor. But it was knock- 
ing at a deaf man's door, as they did not regard these protests 
or even take any notice of them; on the contrary they have 
sought many subterfuges, circumstances, false pretences and 
sophistical arguments to give color to their doings, to throw 
a cloud upon our lawful title and valid rights, and to cheat us 
out of them. General Stuyvesant also has had many questions 
with them, growing out of this matter, but it remains as it 
was. The utmost that they have ever been willing to come to, 
is to declare that the dispute could not be settled in this coun- 
try, and that they desired and were satisfied that Their High 
Mightinesses should arrange it with their sovereign. It is 
highly necessary that this should be done, inasmuch as the 
English have already seized, and are in possession of, almost 
half of New Netherland, a matter which may have weighty con- 
sequences in the future. It is therefore heartily to be desired 
that Their High Mightinesses will be pleased to take this subject 
into serious consideration before it shall go further, and the 
breach become irreparable. 

We must now pass to the South River, called by the English 
Delaware Bay, first speaking of the boundaries; but in passing 
we cannot omit to say that there has been here, both in the 
time of Director Kieft and in that of General Stuyvesant, a 
certain Englishman, who called himself Sir Edward Ploeyden, 
with the title of Earl Palatine of New Albion, who claimed 
that the land on the west side of the North River to Virginia 
was his, by gift of King James of England, 1 but he said he did 
not wish to have any strife with the Dutch, though he was 
very much piqued at the Swedish governor, John Prins, at 
the South River, on account of some affront given him, too 

1 Plowden claimed under a patent from the viceroy of Ireland under Charles I., 
June, 1634. The history of his shadowy principality of New Albion is best re- 
counted by Professor Gregory B. Keen in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History 
of America, III. 457-468. The best account of the Swedish colony in the South 
River is by the same writer, ibid., IV. 443-500. 


long to relate. He said also that when an opportunity should 
offer he would go there and take possession of the river. In 
short, according to the claims of the English, it belongs to them, 
and there is nothing left for the subjects of Their High Mighti- 
nesses one must have this far, and another that far, but they 
all agree never to fall short. 

Of the South River and the Boundaries there. 

As we have now come to speak of the South River and the 
most southerly portion of New Netherland, we will, although 
this is well performed by others, relate everything from the 
beginning, and yet as briefly as is practicable. The boundaries, 
as we find them, extend as far as Cape Henlopen, many miles 
south of Cape Cornelius, to the latitude of thirty-eight degrees. 
The coast stretches, one course with another, west-southwest 
and west, and although this Cape Henlopen * is not much 
esteemed, it is nevertheless proper that it should be brought 
to our attention, as very important, not only in regard to the 
position of the country, but also as relates to the trade with 
the Indians at the South River, which the English and Swedes 
are striving after very hard, as we will show. If the bound- 
aries of this country were settled, these people would con- 
veniently and without further question be ousted, and both the 
enjoyment of the productions of the land and the trade be re- 
tained for the subjects of Their High Mightinesses. 

Of the South Bay and South River. 

The South Bay and South River, by many called the second 
great river of New Netherland, is situated at the latitude of 
38 degrees 53 minutes. It has two headlands or capes the 
more northerly bearing the name of Cape May, the more south- 
erly that of Cape Cornelius. The bay was called New Port- 
May, but at the present time is known as Godyn's Bay. These 
names were given to the places about the time of their first 
discovery, before any others were given them. The discovery, 
moreover, took place at the same time with that of the North 
River, and by the same ship and persons, who entered the South 

1 On the shifting of the name of Henlopen, see p. 52, note 2, supra. 


Bay before they came to the North Bay, as all can read at 
length in the Nieuwe Werelt of Johannes de Laet. 

At the same time that the forts were laid out on the North 
and Fresh rivers, since the year 1623, Fort Nassau was erected 
upon this river, which, in common parlance, is called the South 
River. It was the first of the four, and was built with the 
same object and design as all the others, as hereinbefore re- 
lated. It lies on the east bank, 1 but it would have done as 
well on the west bank, fifteen leagues up the river. The bay 
runs for the most part north and south; is called New Port- 
May or Godyn's Bay; and is nine leagues long before you come 
to the river, and six leagues wide, so that from one shore you 
cannot see the other. On account of certain bars it is some- 
what dangerous for inexperienced navigators, but not so for 
those who are acquainted with the channels. This bay and 
river are compared by its admirers with the river Amazon, that 
is, by such of them as have seen both; it is by everyone con- 
sidered one of the most beautiful, and the best and pleasantest 
rivers in the world of itself and as regards its surroundings. 
Fourteen streams empty into this river, the least of them 
navigable for two or three leagues; and on both sides there 
are tolerably level lands of great extent. Two leagues from 
Cape Cornelius, where you enter on the west side, lies a certain 
creek, which might be taken for an ordinary river or stream, 
being navigable far up, and affording a beautiful roadstead for 
ships of all burdens. There is no other like it in the whole bay 
for safety and convenience. The main channel for navigation 
runs close by it; this place we call the Hoere-kil. From 
whence this name is derived we do not know; 2 it is certain that 
this place was taken and colonized by Netherlanders, years 
before any English or Swedes came there. The States' arms 
were also set up at this place in copper, but as they were thrown 
down by some mischievous savages, the commissary there very 
firmly insisted upon, and demanded, the head of the offender. 
The Indians not knowing otherwise brought a head, saying it 
was his ; and the affair was supposed to be all settled, but some 

J Fort Nassau stood at the mouth of Timber Creek, opposite the present site 
of Philadelphia. See Van der Donck's map. 

a Harlot's creek, from the behavior of the Indian women, The story below 
is that of the short-lived colony of Swanendael, 1631-1632, 


time afterwards, when our people were working unsuspectingly 
in their fields, the Indians came in the guise of friendship, and 
distributing themselves among the Dutch in proportionate 
numbers, surprised and murdered them. By this means the 
colony was again reduced to nothing; but it was nevertheless 
sealed with blood and dearly enough bought. 

There is another kill on the east side called the Varckens 
Kil, 1 three leagues up from the mouth of the river. Here 
some English had settled, but Director Kieft protested against 
their proceedings, and drove them away, assisted somewhat 
by the Swedes, who agreed with him to keep out the English. 
The Swedish governor, considering an opportunity then offered 
to him, caused a fort to be built at this place, called Elsenborch, 2 
and manifests there great boldness towards every one, even as 
respects the Company's boats or all which go up the South 
River. They must strike the flag before this fort, none ex- 
cepted; and two men are sent on board to ascertain from 
whence the yachts or ships come. It is not much better than 
exercising the right of search. It will, to all appearance, come 
to this in the end. What authority these people can have to 
do this, we know not; nor can we comprehend how officers of 
other potentates, (at least as they say they are, yet what com- 
mission they have we do not yet know,) can make themselves 
master of, and assume authority over, land and goods belonging 
to and possessed by other people, and sealed with their blood, 
even without considering the Charter. The Minquas-kil 3 is 
the first upon the river, and there the Swedes have built Fort 
Christina. This place is well situated, as large ships can lie 
close against the shore to load and unload. There is, among 
others, a place on the river, (called Schuylkil, a convenient and 
navigable stream,) heretofore possessed by the Netherlanders, 
but how is it now? The Swedes have it almost entirely under 
their dominion. Then there are in the river several beautiful 
large islands, and other places which were formerly possessed 
by the Netherlanders, and which still bear the names given by 
them. Various other facts also constitute sufficient and abun- 

1 Hog Creek, now called Salem Creek, where New Haven men settled in 1641, 
at or near the present site of Salem, New Jersey. See Van der Donck's map. 
8 Fort Nya Elfsborg, 1643-1654, a little further down the Delaware River. 
8 Christina Creek; the fort was in what is now Wilmington, Delaware. 


dant proof that the river belongs to the Netherlanders, and not 
to the Swedes. Their very beginnings are convincing, for 
eleven years ago, in the year 1638, one Minne-wits, 1 who before 
that time had had the direction at the Manathans, on behalf 
of the West India Company, arrived in the river with the ship 
Kalmer-Skutel [Key of Calmar], and the yacht Vogel-Gryp 
[Griffin], giving out to the Netherlanders who lived up the river, 
under the Company and Heer vander Nederhorst, that he was 
on a voyage to the West Indies, and that passing by there, he 
wished to arrange some matters and to furnish the ship with 
water and wood, and would then leave. Some time afterwards, 
some of our people going again, found the Swedes still there 
but then they had already made a small garden for raising 
salads, pot-herbs and the like. They wondered at this, and 
inquired of the Swedes what it meant, and whether they 
intended to stay there. They excused themselves by various 
reasons and subterfuges, but some notwithstanding supposed 
that such was their design. The third time it became apparent, 
from their building a fort, what their intentions were. Director 
Kieft, when he obtained information of the matter, protested 
against it, but in vain. It was plainly and clearly to be seen, 
in the progress of the affair, that they did not intend to leave. 
It is matter of evidence that above Maghchachansie, 2 near the 
Sankikans, the arms of Their High Mightinesses were erected 
by order of Director Kieft, as a symbol that the river, with all 
the country and the lands around there, were held and owned 
under Their High Mightinesses. But what fruits has it pro- 
duced as yet, other than continued derision and derogation of 
dignity? For the Swedes, with intolerable insolence, have 
thrown down the arms, and since they are suffered to remain so, 
this is looked upon by them, and particularly by their governor, 
as a Roman achievement. True, we have made several pro- 
tests, as well against this as other transactions, but they have 
had as much effect as the flying of a crow overhead; and it is 
believed that if this governor had a supply of men, there would 

1 Peter Minuit. 

* Apparently within the present bounds of . Philadelphia, where Andries 
Hudde, acting under orders from Kieft, purchased land and set up the arms of 
the States General in September, 1646. The Sankikans occupied northern New 
Jersey, with an important village at or near Trenton. 


be more madness in him than there has been in the English, 
or any of their governors. This much only in regard to the 
Swedes, since the Company's officers will be able to make a 
more pertinent explanation, as all the documents and papers 
remain with them; to which, and to their journals we ourselves 

The English have sought at different times and places to 
incorporate this river which they say is annexed to their 
territory, but this has as yet been prevented by different 
protests. We have also expelled them by force, well knowing 
that if they once settled there, we should lose the river or hold 
it with much difficulty, as they would swarm there in great 
numbers. There are rumors daily, and it is reported to us that 
the English will soon repair there with many families. It is 
certain that if they do come and nestle down there, they will 
soon possess it so completely, that neither Hollanders nor 
Swedes, in a short time, will have much to say; at least, we 
run a chance of losing the whole, or the greatest part of the 
river, if very shortly remarkable precaution be not used. And 
this would be the result of populating the country; but the 
Directors of the Company to this day have had no regard to 
this worth the while, though the subject has been sufficiently 
brought before them in several documents. They have rather 
opposed and hindered this; for it has been with this matter 
as with the rest, that avarice has blinded wisdom. The report 
now is that the English intend to build a village and trading 
house there; and indeed if they begin, there is nobody in 
this country who, on the Company's behalf, can or apparently 
will, make much effort to prevent them. Not longer ago than 
last year, several free persons, 1 some of whom were of our own 
number and who had or could have good masters in Father- 
land, wished to establish a trading house and some farms and 
plantations, upon condition that certain privileges and ex- 
emptions should be extended to them; but this was refused 
by the General, saying, that he could not do it, not having 
any order or authority from the noble Lords Directors; but 
if they were willing to begin there without privileges, it could 
in some way be done. And when we represented to His 

1 Persons who came to New Netherland, not as colonists under the patroons, 
or as employees of the West India Company, but on their own account. 


Honor that such were offered by our neighbors all around 
us, if we would only declare ourselves willing to be called 
members of their government, and that this place ran a thou- 
sand dangers from the Swedes and English, His Honor an- 
swered that it was well known to be as we said, (as he himself 
did, in fact, well know,) and that reason was also in our favor, 
but that the orders which he had from the Directors were such 
that he could not answer for it to them. Now we are ignorant 
in these matters, but one thing or the other must be true, either 
it is the fault of the Director or of the Managers, 1 or of both of 
them. However it may be, one shifts the blame upon the other, 
and between them both every thing goes to ruin. Foreigners 
enjoy the country and fare very well; they laugh at us too if 
we say anything ; they enjoy privileges and exemptions, which, 
if our Netherlanders had enjoyed as they do, would without 
doubt, next to the help of God, without which we are powerless, 
have enabled our people to flourish as well or better than they 
do; ergo, the Company or their officers have hitherto been 
and are still the cause of its not faring better with the country. 
On account of their cupidity and bad management there is no 
hope, so long as the land is under their government, that it will 
go on any better; but it will grow worse. However, the right 
time to treat this subject has not yet come. 

Of the Situation and Goodness of the Waters. 

Having given an account of the situation of the country 
and its boundaries, and having consequently spoken of the 
location of the rivers, it will not be foreign to our purpose to 
add a word as to the goodness and convenience of the waters; 
which are salt, brackish, or fresh, according to their locality. 
There are in New Netherland four principal rivers; the most 
southerly is usually called the South River, and the bay at its 
entrance, Godyn's Bay. It is so called not because it runs to the 
south, but because it is the most southerly river in New Nether- 
land. Another which this lies south of or nearest to, and 
which is the most noted and the best, as regards trade and 
population, is called Rio Montanjes, from certain mountains, 

1 /. e., of the governor (director-general) of New Netherland or of the directors 
of the company. 


and Mauritius River, but generally, the North River, because 
it reaches farthest north. The third is the East River, so called 
because it runs east from the Manathans. This is regarded by 
many not as a river but as a bay, because it is extremely wide 
in some places and connects at both ends with the sea. We 
however consider it a river and such it is commonly reckoned. 
The fourth is called the Fresh River, because the water is for 
the most part fresh, more so than the others. Besides these 
rivers, there are many bays, havens and inlets, very convenient 
and useful, some of which might well be classed among rivers. 
There are numerous bodies of water inland, some large, others 
small, besides navigable kills like rivers, and many creeks very 
advantageous for the purpose of navigating through the 
country, as the map of New Netherland will prove. There 
are also various waterfalls and rapid streams, fit to erect mills 
of all kinds upon for the use of man, and innumerable small 
rivulets over the whole country, like veins in the body; but 
they are all fresh water, except some on the sea shore, (which 
are salt and fresh or brackish), very good both for wild and 
domestic animals to drink. The surplus waters are lost in the 
rivers or in the sea. Besides all these there are fountains with- 
out number, and springs all through the country, even at 
places where water would not be expected; as on cliffs and 
rocks whence they issue like spring veins. Some of them are 
worthy of being well guarded, not only because they are all 
(except in the thickets) very clear and pure, but because many 
have these properties, that in the winter they smoke from 
heat, and in summer are so cool that the hands can hardly be 
endured in them on account of the cold, not even in the hottest 
of the summer; which circumstance makes them pleasant for 
the use of man and beast, who can partake of them without 
danger; for if any one drink thereof, it does him no harm 
although it be very warm weather. Thus much of the pro- 
prietorship, location, goodness and fruitfulness of these prov- 
inces, in which particulars, as far as our little experience 
extends, it need yield to no province in Europe. As to what 
concerns trade, in which Europe and especially Netherland is 
pre-eminent, it not only lies very convenient and proper for it, 
but if there were inhabitants, it would be found to have more 
commodities of and in itself to export to other countries than it 


would have to import from them. These things considered, 
it will be little labor for intelligent men to estimate and com- 
pute exactly of what importance this naturally noble province 
is to the Netherland nation, what service it could render it in 
future, and what a retreat it would be for all the needy in the 
Netherlands, as well of high and middle, as of low degree; for 
it is much easier for all men of enterprise to obtain a livelihood 
here than in the Netherlands. 

We cannot sufficiently thank the Fountain of all Goodness 
for His having led us into such a fruitful and healthful land, 
which we, with our numerous sins, still heaped up here daily, 
beyond measure, have not deserved. We are also in the high- 
est degree beholden to the Indians, who not only have given 
up to us this good and fruitful country, and for a trifle yielded 
us the ownership, but also enrich us with their good and 
reciprocal trade, so that there is no one in New Netherland or 
who trades to New Netherland without obligation to them. 
Great is our disgrace now, and happy should we have been, had 
we acknowledged these benefits as we ought, and had we 
striven to impart the Eternal Good to the Indians, as much as 
was in our power, in return for what they divided with us. 
It is to be feared that at the Last Day they will stand up against 
us for this injury. Lord of Hosts! forgive us for not having 
conducted therein more according to our reason; give us also 
the means and so direct our hearts that we in future may acquit 
ourselves as we ought for the salvation of our own souls and 
of theirs, and for the magnifying of thy Holy Name, for the 
sake of Christ. Amen. 

To speak with deference, it is proper to look beyond the 
trouble which will be incurred in adjusting the boundaries and 
the first cost of increasing the population of this country, and 
to consider that beginnings are difficult and that sowing would 
be irksome if the sower were not cheered with the hope of 
reaping. We trust and so assure ourselves that the very great 
experience of Their High Mightinesses will dictate better 
remedies than we are able to suggest. But it may be that 
Their High Mightinesses and some other friends, before whom 
this may come, may think strange that we speak as highly of 
this place as we do, and as we know to be true, and yet com- 
plain of want and poverty, seek relief, assistance, redress, 


lessening of charges, population and the like, and show that 
the country is in a poor and ruinous condition; yea, so much 
so, as that without special aid and assistance it will utterly fall 
off and pass under foreign rule. It will therefore be necessary 
to point out the true reasons and causes why New Netherland 
is in so bad a state, which we will do as simply and truly as 
possible, according to the facts, as we have seen, experienced, 
and heard them; and as this statement will encounter much 
opposition and reproach from many persons who may take 
offence at it, we humbly pray Their High Mightinesses and all 
well wishers, who may chance to read this, that they do not 
let the truth yield to any falsehoods, invented and embellished 
for the purpose, and that they receive no other testimony 
against this relation than that of such impartial persons as 
have not had, either directly or indirectly, any hand therein, 
profited by the loss of New Netherland, or otherwise incurred 
any obligation to it. With this remark we proceed to the 
reasons and sole cause of the evil which we indeed have but 
too briefly and indistinctly stated in the beginning of our peti- 
tion to Their High Mightinesses. 

Of the Reasons and Causes why and how New Netherland is 

so Decayed. 

As we shall speak of the reasons and causes which have 
brought New Netherland into the ruinous condition in which 
it is now found to be, we deem it necessary to state first the 
difficulties. We represent it as we see and find it, in our 
daily experience. To describe it in one word, (and none better 
presents itself,) it is bad government, with its attendants and 
consequences, that is, to the best of our knowledge, the true 
and only foundation stone of the decay and ruin of New 
Netherland. This government from which so much abuse pro- 
ceeds, is twofold, that is; in the Fatherland by the Managers, 
and in this country. We shall first briefly point out some orders 
and mistakes issuing from the Fatherland, and afterwards pro- 
ceed to show how abuses have grown up and obtained strength 

The Managers of the Company adopted a wrong course at 
first, and as we think had more regard for their own interest 


than for the welfare of the country, trusting rather to flattering 
than true counsels. This is proven by the unnecessary ex- 
penses incurred from time to time, the heavy accounts of New 
Netherland, 1 the registering of colonies in which business 
most of the Managers themselves engaged, and in reference to 
which they have regulated the trade and finally the not 
peopling the country. It seems as if from the first, the Com- 
pany have sought to stock this land with their own employees, 
which was a great mistake, for when their time was out they 
returned home, taking nothing with them, except a little in 
their purses and a bad name for the country, in regard to its 
lack of sustenance and in other respects. In the meantime 
there was no profit, but on the contrary heavy monthly salaries, 
as the accounts of New Netherland will show. 

Had the Honorable West India Company, in the beginning, 
sought population instead of running to great expense for un- 
necessary things, which under more favorable circumstances 
might have been suitable and very proper, the account of 
New Netherland would not have been so large as it now is, 
caused by building the ship New Netherland at an excessive 
outlay, 2 by erecting three expensive mills, by brick-making, by 
tar-burning, by ash-burning, by salt-making and like opera- 
tions, which through bad management and calculation have 
all gone to nought, or come to little; but which nevertheless 
have cost much. Had the same money been used in bringing 
people and importing cattle, the country would now have been 
of great value. 

The land itself is much better and it is more conveniently 
situated than that which the English possess, and if there were 
not constant seeking of individual gain and private trade, there 
would be no danger that misfortunes would press us as far as 
they do. 

Had the first Exemptions been truly observed, according 
to their intention, and had they not been carried out with 
particular views, certainly more friends of New Netherland 
would have exerted themselves to take people there and make 

1 In 1644 the Bureau of Accounts of the West India Company reported that 
since 1626 the company had expended for New Netherland 515,000 guilders, say 
$250,000. At the time of the report the company was practically bankrupt. 

* A ship of eight hundred tons, built in the province in 1631. 


settlements. The other conditions which were introduced have 
always discouraged individuals and kept them down, so that 
those who were acquainted with the business, being informed, 
dared not attempt it. It is very true that the Company have 
brought over some persons, but they have not continued to do 
so, and it therefore has done little good. It was not begun 
properly; for it was done as if it was not intended. 

It is impossible for us to rehearse and to state in detail 
wherein and how often the Company have acted injuriously to 
this country. They have not approved of our own country- 
men settling the land, as is shown in the case of Jacob Walingen 
and his people at the Fresh River, and quite recently in the 
cases at the South River; while foreigners were permitted to 
take land there without other opposition than orders and pro- 
tests. It could hardly be otherwise, for the garrisons are not 
kept complete conformably to the Exemptions, and thus the 
cause of New Netherland's bad condition lurks as well in 
the Netherlands as here. Yea, the seeds of war, according 
to the declaration of Director Kieft, were first sown by the 
Fatherland; for he said he had express orders to exact the 
contribution from the Indians; which would have been very 
well if the land had been peopled, but as it was, it was pre- 

Trade, without which, when it is legitimate, no country is 
prosperous, is by their acts so decayed, that it amounts to 
nothing. It is more suited for slaves than freemen, in conse- 
quence of the restrictions upon it and the annoyances which 
accompany the exercise of the right of inspection. We approve 
of inspection, however, so far as relates to contraband. 

This contraband trade has ruined the country, and contra- 
band goods are now sent to every part of it by orders given by 
the Managers to their officers. These orders should be executed 
without partiality, which is not always the case. The Recog- 
nition l runs high, and of inspection and confiscation there is 
no lack; hence legitimate trade is entirely diverted, except a 
little, which exists pro forma, as a cloak for carrying on illicit 
trading. In the mean time the Christians are treated almost 
like Indians, in the purchase of the necessaries with which they 
cannot dispense. This causes great complaint, distress and 

1 Export duty. 


poverty: as, for example, the merchants sell those goods which 
are liable to little depreciation at a hundred per cent, and more 
profit, when there is particular demand or scarcity of them. 
And the traders who come with small cargoes, and others en- 
gaged in the business, buy them up from the merchants and sell 
them again to the common man, who cannot do without them, 
oftentimes at a hundred per cent, advance, or higher and lower 
according to the demand. Upon liquors, which are liable to 
much leakage, they take more, and those who buy from them 
retail them in the same manner, as we have described in regard 
to dry wares, and generally even more cunningly, so that the 
goods are sold through first, second and sometimes third hands, 
at one and two hundred per cent, advance. We are not able to 
think of all the practices which are contrived for advancing in- 
dividual and private gain. Little attention is given to populat- 
ing the land. The people, moreover, have been driven away 
by harsh and unreasonable proceedings, for which their Honors 
gave the orders; for the Managers wrote to Director Kieft to 
prosecute when there was no offence, and to consider a partial 
offence an entire one, and so forth. It has also been seen how 
the letters of the Eight Men were treated, and what followed 
thereupon; 1 besides there were many ruinous orders and in- 
structions which are not known to us. But leaving this at 
present, with now and then a word, at a convenient point, let 
us proceed to examine how their officers and Directors have 
conducted themselves from time to time, having played with 
the managers as well as with the people, as a cat does with a 
mouse. It would be possible to relate their management from 
the beginning, but as most of us were not here then and there- 
fore not eye-witnesses, and as a long time has passed whereby 
it has partly escaped recollection, and as in our view it was not 
so bad then as afterwards when the land was made free and 
freemen began to increase, we will pass by the beginning and 
let Mr. Lubbert van Dincklaghen, Vice Director of New Nether- 
land, describe the government of Director Wouter van Twiller 
of which he is known to have information, and will only speak 
of the last two sad and dire confusions (we would say govern- 

1 Nevertheless, the remonstrance of the Eight Men, October 28, 1644, N. Y. 
Col. Doc., I. 209, did cause the reform of the system of provincial government and 
the recall of Kieft. 


ments if we could) under Director Kieft, who is now no more, 
but the evil of it lives after him; and of that under Director 
Stuyvesant which still stands, if indeed that may be called 
standing which lies completely under foot. 

The Directors here, though far from their masters, were 
close by their profit. They have always known how to 
manage their own matters very properly and with little loss, 
yet under pretext of the public business. They have also con- 
ducted themselves just as if they were the sovereigns of the 
country. As they desired to have it, so it always had to be; 
and as they willed so was it done. "The Managers," they say, 
"are masters in Fatherland, but we are masters in this land." 
As they understand it it will go, there is no appeal. And it has 
not been difficult for them hitherto to maintain this doctrine 
in practice ; for the people were few and for the most part very 
simple and uninformed, and besides, they needed the Di- 
rectors every day. And if perchance there were some intelligent 
men among them, who could go upon their own feet, them it 
was sought to oblige. They could not understand at first the 
arts of the Directors which were always subtle and dark, so 
that these were frequently successful and occasionally remained 
effective for a long time. Director Kieft said himself, and let it 
be said also by others, that he was sovereign in this country, 
or the same as the Prince in the Netherlands. This was 
repeated to him several times here and he never made any 
particular objection to it. The refusing to allow appeals, and 
other similar acts, prove clearly that in our opinion no other 
proof is needed. The present Director does the same, and in 
the denial of appeal, he is also at home. He likes to assert the 
maxim "the Prince is above the law," and applies it so boldly 
to his own person that it confutes itself. These directors, 
having then the power in their own hands, could do and have 
done what they chose according to their good will and pleas- 
ure; and whatever was, was right, because it was agreeable 
to them. It is well known that those who assume power, and 
use it to command what they will, frequently command and 
will more than they ought, and, whether it appear right or 
not, there are always some persons who applaud such con- 
duct, some out of a desire to help on and to see mischief, 
others from fear; and so men still complain with Jan Vergas 


de dementia duels, of the clemency of the duke. 1 But in order 
that we give nobody cause to suspect that we blow somewhat 
too hard, it will be profitable to illustrate by examples the 
government of Mr. Director Kieft at its close, and the ad- 
ministration of Mr. Director Stuyvesant just prior to the time 
of our departure. We frankly admit, however, that we shall 
not be able to speak fully of all the tricks, because they were 
conducted so secretly and with such duplicity and craft. We 
will nevertheless expose some of their proceedings according 
to our ability, and thus let the lion be judged of from his paw. 

Casting our eyes upon the government of Director Kieft, 
the church first meets us, and we will therefore speak of the 
public property ecclesiastical and civil. But as this man is 
now dead, and some of his management and doings are freely 
represented by one Jochem Pietersz Cuyter and Cornelis 
Melyn, 2 we will dispose of this point as briefly as we possibly 

Before the time that Director Kieft brought the unnecessary 
war upon the country, his principal aim and endeavors were 
to provide well for himself and to leave a great name after him, 
but without any expense to himself or the Company, for this 
never did anything remarkable for the country by which it was 
improved. Thus he considered the erection of a church a very 
necessary public work, the more so as it was in contemplation 
to build one at that time at Renselaers-Wyck. With this view 
he communicated with the churchwardens of which body he 
himself was one and they willingly agreed to and seconded 
the project. The place where it should stand was then de- 
bated. The Director contended that it should be placed in the 
fort, and there it was erected in spite of the others, and, indeed, 
as suitably as a fifth wheel to a wagon; for besides that the 
fort is small and lies upon a point of land which must be very 
valuable in case of an increase of population, the church ought 

1 Juan de Vargas, the chief member of the Duke of Alva's "Council of Blood," 
who complained that the duke's methods were too lenient. 

2 Stuyvesant, soon after his arrival, at the instance of Kieft, condemned Kieft's 
chief opponents, Kuyter and Melyn, for lese-majesty, and banished them, forbid- 
ding them to appeal. On reaching Holland, however, after their dramatic escape 
from the shipwreck of the Princess, they appealed, and secured a reversal of their 


to be owned by the congregation at whose cost it was built. It 
also intercepts and turns off the southeast wind from the grist- 
mill which stands close by, for which reason there is frequently 
in summer a want of bread from its inability to grind, though 
not from this cause alone. The mill is neglected and, in conse- 
quence of having had a leaky roof most of the time, has be- 
come considerably rotten, so that it cannot now go with more 
than two arms, and it has been so for nearly five years. But 
to return to the church from which the grist-mill has some- 
what diverted us the Director then resolved to build a church, 
and at the place where it suited him; but he was in want of 
money and was at a loss how to obtain it. It happened about 
this time that the minister, Everardus Bogardus, gave his step- 
daughter in marriage; and the occasion of the wedding the 
Director considered a good opportunity for his purpose. So 
after the fourth or fifth round of drinking, he set about the 
business, and he himself showing a liberal example let the 
wedding-guests subscribe what they were willing to give 
towards the church. All then with light heads subscribed 
largely, competing with one another; and although some well 
repented it when they recovered their senses, they were never- 
theless compelled to pay nothing could avail to prevent it. 
The church was then, contrary to every one's wish, placed in 
the fort. The honor and ownership of that work must be 
judged of from the inscription, which is in our opinion am- 
biguous, thus reading: "1642. Willem Kieft, Director General, 
has caused the congregation to build this church. )} l But what- 
ever be intended by the inscription, the people nevertheless 
paid for the church. 

We must now speak of the property belonging to the 
church, and, to do the truth no violence, we do not know that 
there has ever been any, or that- the church has any income 
except what is given to it. There has never been any exertion 
made either by the Company or by the Director to obtain or 
establish any. 

1 The inscription was in existence till 1835. This third church stood near 
what is now called the Bowling Green. The inscription, though susceptible of 
misconstruction, is not really ambiguous. Its proper interpretation is: " 1642, 
Willem Kieft being Director [General, the congregation caused this church to 
be built." 


The bowl has been going round a long time for the purpose 
of erecting a common school and it has been built with words, 
but as yet the first stone is not laid. Some materials only are 
provided. The money nevertheless, given for the purpose, has 
already found its way out and is mostly spent; or may even 
fall short, and for this purpose also no fund invested in real 
estate has ever been built up. 

The poor fund, though the largest, contains nothing except 
the alms collected among the people, and some fines and 
donations of the inhabitants. A considerable portion of this 
money is in the possession of the Company, who have borrowed 
it from time to time, and kept it. They have promised, for 
years, to pay interest. But in spite of all endeavor neither 
principal nor interest can be obtained from them. 

Flying reports about asylums for orphans, for the sick and 
aged, 1 and the like have occasionally been heard, but as yet 
w can not see that any attempt, order or direction has been 
made in relation to them. From all these facts, then, it suffi- 
ciently appears that scarcely any proper care or diligence has 
been used by the Company or its officers for any ecclesiastical 
property whatever at least, nothing as far as is known from 
the beginning to this time ; but on the contrary great industry 
and exertion have been used to bind closely to them their 
minions, or to gain new ones as we shall hereafter at the proper 
time relate. And now let us proceed to the consideration of 
what public measures of a civil character had been adopted up 
to the time of our departure, in order to make manifest the 
diligence and care of the Directors in this particular. 

There was not at first, under the government of Director 
Kieft, so much opportunity as there has since been, because the 
recognition of the peltries was then paid in the Fatherland, and 
the freemen gave nothing for excise; but after that public 
calamity, the rash war, was brought upon us, the recognition 
of the peltries began to be collected in this country, and a beer- 
excise was sought to be established, about which a conference 
was had with the Eight Men, who were then chosen from the 
people. They did not approve of it as such, but desired to 
know under what regulations and upon what footing it would 
take place, and how long it would continue. Director Kieft 

1 Seventeenth-century Dutch towns abounded in institutions of this sort. 


promised that it should not continue longer than until a ship 
of the Company should arrive with a new Director, or until the 
war should be at an end. Although it was very much distrusted 
by all, and therefore was not consented to, yet he introduced 
it by force. The brewers who would not agree to it had their 
beer given over to the soldiers. So it was enforced, but it 
caused great strife and discontent. 

From this time forward the Director began to divide the 
people and to create factions. Those who were on his side 
could do nothing amiss, however bad it might be; those who 
were opposed to him were always wrong even if they did per- 
fectly right, and the order to reckon half an offence a whole 
one was then strictly enforced. The jealousy of the Director 
was so great that he could not bear without suspicion that 
impartial persons should visit his partisans. 

After the war was, as the Director himself said, finished 
though in our opinion it will never be finished until the country 
is populated every one hoped that this impost would be re- 
moved, but Director Kieft put off the removal until the arrival 
of a new Director, which was longed for very much. When 
finally he did appear, 1 it was like the crowning of Rehoboam, 
for, instead of abolishing the beer-excise, his first business was 
to impose a wine-excise and other intolerable burdens, so that 
some of the commonalty, as they had no spokesman, were 
themselves constrained to remonstrate against it. Instead 
however of obtaining the relief which they expected, they re- 
ceived abuse from the Director. Subsequently a written an- 
swer was given them, which the Director had, as usual, drawn 
up at such length and with such fulness that plain and simple 
people, such as are here, must be confused, and unable to make 
anything out of it. Further attempts have accordingly been 
made from time to time to introduce new taxes and burdens. 
In fine it was so managed in Director Kieft's time, that a large 
yearly sum was received from the recognition and other 
sources, calculated to amount annually to 16,000 guilders, 2 
besides the recognition which was paid in the Fatherland 
and which had to be contributed by the poor commonalty; 
for the goods were sold accordingly, and the prices are now 

1 Stuyvesant arrived from Holland by way of the West Indies in May, 1647. 
1 Equivalent to $6,400. 


unbearably high. In Director Stuyvesant's administration the 
revenue has reached a much higher sum, and it is estimated that 
about 30.000 guilders l are now derived yearly from the people 
by recognitions, confiscations, excise and other taxes, and yet 
it is not enough; the more one has the more one wants. It 
would be tolerable to give as much as possible, if it was used 
for the public weal. And whereas in all the proclamations it 
is promised and declared that the money shall be employed 
for laudable and necessary public works, let us now look for 
a moment and see what laudable public works there are in 
this country, and what fruits all the donations and contribu- 
tions have hitherto borne. But not to confuse matters, one 
must understand us not to refer to goods and effects that 
belong to the Honorable Company as its own, for what belongs 
to it particularly was never public. The Company's effects in 
this country may, perhaps, with forts, cannon, ammunition, 
warehouses, dwelling-houses, workshops, horses, cattle, boats, 
and whatever else there may be, safely be said to amount to 
from 60,000 to 70,000 guilders, 2 and it is very probable that 
the debts against it are considerably more. But passing these 
by, let us turn our attention to the public property, and see 
where the money from time to time has been used. According 
to the proclamations during the administration of Director 
Kieft, if we rightly consider, estimate and examine them all, we 
cannot learn or discover that anything we say anything large 
or small worth relating, was done, built or made, which con- 
cerned or belonged to the commonalty, the church excepted, 
whereof we have heretofore spoken. Yea, he went on so badly 
and negligently that nothing has ever been designed, under- 
stood or done that gave appearance of design to content the 
people, even externally, but on the contrary what came from 
the commonalty has even been mixed up with the effects of the 
Company, and even the Company's property and means have 
been everywhere neglected, in order to make friends, to secure 
witnesses and to avoid accusers about the management of the 
war. The negroes, also, who came from Tamandare 3 were 
sold for pork and peas, from the proceeds of which something 

1 $12,000. a From $24,000 to $28,000. 

1 A bay on the coast of Brazil, where the Dutch admiral Lichthart defeated the 
Portuguese in a naval engagement, in September, 1645. 


wonderful was to be performed, but they just dripped through 
the fingers. There are also various other negroes in this 
country, some of whom have been made free for their long 
service, but their children have remained slaves, though it is 
contrary to the laws of every people that any one born of a free 
Christian mother should be a slave and be compelled to remain 
in servitude. It is impossible to relate everything that has 
happened. Whoever did not give his assent and approval was 
watched and, when occasion served, was punished for it. We 
submit to all intelligent persons to consider what fruit this has 
borne, and what a way this was to obtain good testimony. 
Men are by nature covetous, especially those who are needy, 
and of this we will hereafter adduce some few proofs, when we 
come to speak of Director Kieft's government particularly. 
But we shall now proceed to the administration of Director 
Stuyvesant, and to see how affairs have been conducted up to 
the time of our departure. 

Mr. Stuyvesant has almost all the time from his first arrival 
up to our leaving been busy building, laying masonry, making, 
breaking, repairing and the like, but generally in matters of 
the Company and with little profit to it; for upon some things 
more was spent than they were worth; and though at the first 
he put in order the church which came into his hands very 
much out of repair, and shortly afterwards made a wooden 
wharf, both acts very serviceable and opportune, yet after 
this time we do not know that anything has been done or made 
that is entitled to the name of a public work, though there has 
been income enough, as is to be seen in the statement of the 
yearly revenue. They have all the time been trying for more, 
like dropsical people. Thus in a short time very great discon- 
tent has sprung up on all sides, not only among the burghers, 
who had little to say, but also among the Company's officers 
themselves, so that various protests were made by them on 
account of the expense and waste consequent upon unneces- 
sary councillors, officers, servants and the like who are not 
known by the Managers, and also on account of the monies 
and means which were given in common, being privately 
appropriated and used. But it was all in vain, there was 
very little or no amendment; and the greater the endeavors to 
help, restore and raise up everything, the worse has it been; 


for pride has ruled when justice dictated otherwise, just as if 
it were disgraceful to follow advice, and as if everything should 
come from one head. The fruits of this conduct can speak and 
bear testimony of themselves. It has been so now so long, that 
every day serves the more to condemn it. Previously to the 
23d of July 1649, nothing had been done concerning weights 
and measures or the like; but at that time they notified the 
people that in August then next ensuing the matter would be 
regulated. The fiscaal would then attend to it, which was as 
much as to say, would give the pigeons to drink. There is fre- 
quently much discontent and discord among the people on 
account of weights and measures, and as they are never in- 
spected, they cannot be right. It is also believed that some 
of easy consciences have two sets of them, but we cannot 
affirm the fact. As to the corn measure, the Company itself 
has always been suspected, but who dare lisp it? The pay- 
ment in zeewant, which is the currency here, has never been 
placed upon a good footing, although the commonalty requested 
it, and showed how it should be regulated, assigning numerous 
reasons therefor. But there is always misunderstanding and 
discontent, and if anything is said before the Director of 
these matters more than pleases him, very wicked and spiteful 
words are returned. Those moreover whose office requires 
them to speak to him of such things are, if he is in no good fit, 
very freely berated as clowns, bear-skinners, and the like. 

The fort under which we are to shelter ourselves, and from 
which as it seems all authority proceeds, lies like a molehill or a 
tottering wall, on which there is not one gun-carriage or one 
piece of cannon in a suitable frame or on a good platform. From 
the first it has been declared that it should be repaired, laid 
in five angles, and put in royal condition. The commonalty's 
men have been addressed for money for the purpose, but they 
excused themselves on the ground that the people were poor. 
Every one, too, was discontented and feared that if the Di- 
rector once had his fort to rely upon, he would be more cruel 
and severe. Between the two, nothing is done. He will doubt- 
less know how to lay the blame with much circumstance upon 
the commonalty who are innocent, although the Director 
wished to have the money from them, and for that purpose 
pretended to have an order from Their High Mightinesses. 


Had the Director laid out for that purpose the fourth part of 
the money which was collected from the commonalty during 
his time, it certainly would not have fallen short, as the wine- 
excise was expressly laid for that object. But it was sought 
in a thousand ways to shear the sheep though the wool was not 
yet grown. In regard, then, to public works, there is little 
difference between Director Kieft and Director Stuyvesant, 
for after the church was built the former was negligent, and 
took personal action against those who looked him in the eye. 
The latter has had much more opportunity to keep public 
works in repair than his predecessor had, for he has had no 
war on his hands. He has also been far more diligent and bit- 
ter in looking up causes of prosecution against his innocent 
opponents than his predecessor ever was. 

The Administration of Director Kieft in Particular. 

Sufficient has been said of what Director Kieft did in 
regard to the church and its affairs, and in regard to the state, 
such as buildings and taxes or revenue. It remains for us to 
proceed to the council-house and produce thence some exam- 
ples, as we promised. We will, in doing so, endeavor to be 

The Council then consisted of Director Kieft and Monsieur 
la Montagne. The Director had two votes, and Monsieur la 
Montagne one; and it was a high crime to appeal from their 
judgments. Cornelis vander Hoykens sat with them as fiscaal, 1 
and Cornelis van Tienhoven as secretary, 2 and whenever any 
thing extraordinary occurred, the Director allowed some, whom 
it pleased him officers of the company for the most part to 
be summoned in addition, but that seldom happened. Never- 

1 Cornells van der Huygens was schvut-fiscaal (sheriff and public prosecutor) 
of New Netherland from 1639 to 1645. He was drowned in the wreck of the 
Princess in 1647, along with Kieft. 

2 Cornelis van Tienhoven was a figure of much importance in New Netherland 
history. An Utrecht man, he came out as book-keeper in 1633, and served in that 
capacity under Van Twiller. In 1638, at the beginning of Kieft's administration, 
he was made provincial secretary, and continued in that office under Stuyvesant, 
supporting with much shrewdness and industry the measures of the administration. 
His endeavors to counteract this Representation of the commonalty of New Nether- 
land are described in the introduction, and are exhibited in the piece which follows. 


theless it gave discontent. The Twelve Men, and afterwards 
the Eight/ had in court matters neither vote nor advice; 
but were chosen in view of the war and some other occurrences, 
to serve as cloaks and cats-paws. Otherwise they received no 
consideration and were little respected if they opposed at all 
the views of the Director, who himself imagined, or certainly 
wished to make others believe, that he was sovereign, and that 
it was absolutely in his power to do or refuse to do anything. 
He little regarded the safety of the people as the supreme law, 
as clearly appeared in the war, although when the spit was 
turned in the ashes, it was sought by cunning and numerous 
certificates and petitions to shift the blame upon others. But 
that happened so because the war was carried too far, and 
because every one laid the damage and the blood which was 
shed to his account. La Montagne said that he had protested 
against it, but that it was begun against his will and to his 
great regret, and that afterwards, when it was entered upon, 
he had helped to excuse it to the best of his ability. The secre- 
tary, Cornelius van Tienhoven, also said that he had no hand 
in the matter, and nothing had been done by him in regard to it 
except by the express orders of the Director. But this was not 
believed, for there are those who have heard La Montagne say 
that if the secretary had not brought false reports the affair 
would never have happened. 2 There are others also who know 
this, and every one believes it to be so ; and indeed it has plausi- 
bility. Fiscal van der Hoytgens was not trusted on account 
of his drinking, wherein all his science consists. He had also 
no experience here, and in the beginning frequently denounced 
the war as being against his will. So that the blame rests, and 

1 The Twelve Men were representatives chosen at the request of Kieft, to ad- 
vise respecting war against the Weckquaesgeeks, by an assembly of heads of 
families convened in August, 1641. They counselled delay, but finally, in 
January, 1642, consented to war. When they proceeded to demand reforms, 
especially popular representation in the Council, Kieft dissolved them. After the 
Indian outbreak of August, 1643, the Eight Men were elected, also at the instance 
of Kieft, and did their part in the management of the ensuing warfare; but they 
also, in the autumns of 1643 and 1644, protested to the West India Company and 
the States General against Kieft's misgovernment, and demanded his recall. 

2 This is intended to connect Kieft's massacre of the refugee Tappaans at 
Pavonia, February 25-26, 1643, with a previous reconnaissance of their position by 
Van Tienhoven. 


must rest only upon the Director and Secretary Tienhoven. 
The Director was entrusted with the highest authority, and if 
any body advised him to the land's ruin, he was not bound to 
follow the advice and afterwards endeavor to shift the burden 
from his own neck upon the people, who however excuse them- 
selves although in our judgment they are not all entirely inno- 
cent. The cause of this war we conceive to have been the 
exacting of the contribution, (for which the Director said he 
had the order of the Managers,) l and his own ungovernable 
passions, which showed themselves principally in private. 
But there are friends whom this business intimately concerns, 
and as they have already undertaken it, we will leave the mat- 
ter with them and proceed to cite one or two instances dis- 
closing the aspiration after sovereignty. Passing by many 
cases for the sake of brevity, we have that of one Francis 
Doughty, an English minister, and of Arnoldus van Herden- 
berch, a free merchant. But as both these cases appear likely 
to come before Their High Mightinesses at full length, we will 
merely give a summary of them. This minister, Francis 
Doughty, during the first troubles in England, in order to 
escape them, came to New England. 2 But he found that he 
had got from the pan into the fire. Wherefore in order that he 
might, in conformity with the Dutch reformation, have free- 
dom of conscience, which, contrary to his expectation, he missed 
in New England, he betook himself to the protection of the 
Dutch. An absolute ground-brief 3 with the privileges allowed 
to a colony was granted to him by the Director. He had 
strengthened his settlement in the course of one year by the 
addition of several families, but the war coming on, they were 
driven from their lands with the loss of some men and many 
cattle, besides almost all their houses and what other property 
they had. They afterwards returned and remained a while, 

1 Demand of tribute which Kieft made of the river Indians in 1639 and 1640. 

a Reverend Francis Doughty, Adriaen van der Donck's father-in-law, came to 
Massachusetts in 1637, but was forced to depart on account of heresies respecting 
baptism. He is reputed one of the first, if not the first, Presbyterian ministers in 
America. Further details regarding him, from an unfriendly pen, may be seen in 
Van Tienhoven's reply, post. The conditions on which he and his associates 
settled at Mespath (Newtown) may be seen in N. Y. Col. Doc., XIII. 8; the 
patent, in O'Callaghan's History of New Netherland, I. 425. 

3 Conveyance. 


but consuming more than they were able to raise, they came 
to the Manathans where all the fugitives sojourned at that 
time, and there Master Doughty officiated as a minister. 
After the flame of war was out and the peace was concluded 
but in such a manner that no one much relied upon it some 
of the people again returned to their lands. The Director 
would have been glad, in order that all things should be com- 
pletely restored, if it had pleased this man likewise to go 
back upon his land; but inasmuch as the peace was doubt- 
ful, and he had not wherewith to begin, Master Doughty was 
in no haste. He went however, some time afterwards, and 
dwelt there half a year, but again left it. As peace was made, 
and in hope that some others would make a village there, a 
suit was brought against the minister, and carried on so far 
that his land was confiscated. Master Doughty, feeling him- 
self aggrieved, appealed from the sentence. The Director 
answered, his sentence could not be appealed from, but must 
prevail absolutely; and caused the minister for that remark to 
be imprisoned twenty-four hours and then to pay 25 guilders. 
We have always considered this an act of tyranny and regarded 
it as a token of sovereignty. The matter of Arnoldus van 
Herdenberch was very like it in its termination. After Zeger 
Theunisz was murdered by the Indians in the Beregat, 1 and 
the yacht had returned to the Manathans, Arnoldus van 
Hardenbergh was with two others appointed by the Director 
and Council curators over the estate, and the yacht was 
searched. Some goods were found in it which were not en- 
tered, whereupon the fiscaal went to law with the curators, 
and claimed that the goods were confiscable to the Company. 
The curators resisted and gave Herdenberch charge of the 
matter. After some proceedings the goods were condemned. 
As he found himself now aggrieved in behalf of the common 
owners, he appealed to such judges as they should choose for 
the purpose. The same game was then played over again. 
It was a high crime. The fiscaal made great pretensions and a 
sentence was passed, whereof the contents read thus: " Hav- 
ing seen the written complaint of the Fiscaal vander Hoytgens 
against Arnoldus van Hardenberch in relation to appealing 
from our sentence dated the 28th April last past, as appears 

1 Shrewsbury Inlet. 


by the signature of the before-named Sr. A. van Hardenberch, 
from which sentence no appeal can be had, as is proven to him 
by the commission of Their High Mightinesses the Lords 
States General and His Highness of Orange: Therefore the 
Director General and Council of New Netherland, regarding the 
dangerous consequences tending to injure the supreme au- 
thority of this land's magistracy, condemn the before-named 
Arnold van Herdenberch to pay forthwith a fine of 25 guild- 
ers, or to be imprisoned until the penalty be paid ; as an exam- 
ple to others." Now, if one know the lion from his paw, he can 
see that these people do not spare the name of Their High 
Mightinesses, His Highness of Orange, the honor of the magis- 
trates, nor the words, " dangerous consequences," "an example 
to others," and other such words, to play their own parts there- 
with. We have therefore placed this act by the side of that 
which was committed against the minister Doughty. Many 
more similar cases would be found in the record, if other 
things were always rightly inserted in it, which is very doubt- 
ful, the contrary sometimes being observed. It appears then 
sufficiently that everything has gone on rather strangely. And 
with this we will leave the subject and pass on to the govern- 
ment of Director Stuyvesant, with a single word first, however, 
touching the sinister proviso incorporated in the ground- 
briefs, as the consequences may thence be very well under- 
stood. Absolute grants were made to the people by the 
ground-briefs, and when they thought that everything was 
right, and that they were masters of their own possessions, the 
ground-briefs were demanded from them again upon pretence 
that there was something forgotten in them; but that was not 
it. They thought they had incommoded themselves in giving 
them, and therefore a proviso was added at the end of the 
ground-brief, and it was signed anew; which proviso directly 
conflicts with the ground-brief, so that in one and the same 
ground-brief is a contradiction without chance of agreement, 
for it reads thus in the old briefs: "and take in possession the 
land and the valleys appertaining of old thereto," and the 
proviso says, "no valley to be used before the Company," all 
which could well enough be used, and the Company have a 
competency. In the ground-briefs is contained also another 
provision, which is usually inserted and sticks in the bosom of 


every one: to wit, that they must submit themselves to all 
taxes which the council has made or shall make. 1 These im- 
positions can be continued in infinitum, and have already been 
enforced against several inhabitants. Others also are discour- 
aged from undertaking anything on such terms. 

The Administration of Director Stuyvesant in Particular. 

We wish much we were already through with this adminis- 
tration, for it has grieved us, and we know ourselves powerless; 
nevertheless we will begin, and as we have already spoken of 
the public property, ecclesiastical and civil, we will consider 
how it is in regard to the administration of justice, and giving 
decisions between man and man. And first, to point as with 
a finger at the manners of the Director and Council. As 
regards the Director, from his first arrival to this time, his 
manner in court has been to treat with violence, dispute with 
or harass one of the two parties, not as becomes a judge, but 
as a zealous advocate, which has given great discontent to 
every one, and with some it has gone so far and has effected so 
much, that many of them dare bring no matter before the 
court, if they do not stand well or tolerably so with the Director. 
For whoever has him opposed, has as much as the sun and 
moon against him. Though he has himself appointed many of 
the councillors, and placed them under obligation to him, and 
some pretend that he can overpower the rest by plurality of 
votes, he frequently puts his opinion in writing, and that so 
fully that it covers several pages, and then he adds verbally, 
" Monsieur, this is my advice, if any one has aught to say 
against it, let him speak. 7 ' If then any one rises to make ob- 
jection, which is not easily done, though it be well grounded, 
His Honor bursts out immediately in fury and makes such 
gestures, that it is frightful; yea, he rails out frequently at the 

1 Mr. Murphy cites the clause, from a ground-brief or patent issued in 1639. 
After describing the land conveyed, it is declared to be " upon the express condition 
and stipulation that the said A. B. and his assigns shall acknowledge the Noble 
Lords Managers aforesaid as their masters and patroons under the sovereignty of 
the High and Mighty Lord States General, and shall be obedient to the Director 
and Council here, as all good citizens are bound to be, submitting themselves to all 
such taxes and imposts as have been or may be, hereafter, imposed by the Noble 


Councillors for this thing and the other, with ugly words 
which would better suit the fish-market than the council 
chamber; and if this be all endured, His Honor will not rest 
yet unless he has his will. To demonstrate this by examples 
and proof, though easily done, would nevertheless detain us 
too long; but we all say and affirm that this has been his 
common practice from the first and still daily continues. And 
this is the condition and nature of things in the council on 
the part of the Director, who is its head and president. Let 
us now briefly speak of the councillors individually. The 
Vice Director, Lubbert van Dincklagen, 1 has for a long time 
on various occasions shown great dissatisfaction about many 
different matters, and has protested against the Director and 
his appointed councillors, but only lately, and after some 
others made resistance. He was, before this, so influenced by 
fear, that he durst venture to take no chances against the 
Director, but had to let many things pass by and to submit to 
them. He declared afterwards that he had great objections 
to them, because they were not just, but he saw no other 
way to have peace, as the Director said even in the council, 
that he would treat him worse than Wouter van Twiller had 
ever done, if he were not willing to conform to his wishes. 
This man then is overruled. Let us proceed farther. Mon- 
sieur la Montagne had been in the council in Kieft's time, and 
was then very much suspected by many. He had no commis- 
sion from the Fatherland, was driven by the war from his farm, 
is also very much indebted to the Company, and therefore is 
compelled to dissemble. But it is sufficiently known from him- 
self that he is not pleased, and is opposed to the administration. 
Brian Newton, 2 lieutenant of the soldiers, is the next. This 
man is afraid of the Director, and regards him as his bene- 
factor. Besides being very simple and inexperienced in law, he 

1 Lubbertus van Dincklagen, doctor of laws, was sent out as schaut-fiscaal of 
New Netherland in 1634, quarrelled with Van Twiller, and was sent back by him 
in 1636. In 1644 he was provisionally appointed as Kieft's successor, but Stuyve- 
sant was finally made Director, and Van Dincklagen went out with him as vice- 
director and second member of the Council. He opposed some of Stuyvesant's 
arbitrary acts, supplied the three bearers of this Representation with letters of 
credence to the States General, was expelled from the Council by Stuyvesant in 
1651, and died in 1657 or 1658. 

2 An Englishman who had served under the company several years at Cura9ao. 


does not understand our Dutch language, so that he is scarcely 
capable of refuting the long written opinions, but must and 
will say yes. Sometimes the commissary, Adrian Keyser, is 
admitted into the council, who came here as secretary. This 
man has not forgotten much law, but says that he lets God's 
water run over God's field. He cannot and dares not say any- 
thing, for so much can be said against him that it is best that he 
should be silent. The captains of the ships, when they are 
ashore, have a vote in the Council; as lelmer Thomassen, and 
Paulus Lenaertson, 1 who was made equipment-master upon his 
first arrival, and who has always had a seat in the council, but 
is still a free man. What knowledge these people, who all their 
lives sail on the sea, and are brought up to ship-work, have of 
law matters and of farmers' disputes any intelligent man can 
imagine. Besides, the Director himself considers them so 
guilty that they dare not accuse others, as will appear from 
this passage at Curasao, before the Director ever saw New 
Netherland. As they were discoursing about the price of car- 
racks, the Director said to the minister and others, "Domine 
Johannes, 2 I thought that I had brought honest ship-masters 
with me, but I find that I have brought a set of thieves"; and 
this was repeated to these councillors, especially to the equip- 
ment-master, for Captain lelmer was most of the time at sea. 
They have let it pass unnoticed a proof that they were 
guilty. But they have not fared badly; for though Paulus 
Lenaertssen has small wages, he has built a better dwelling- 
house here than anybody else. How this has happened is 
mysterious to us; for though the Director has knowledge of 
these matters, he nevertheless keeps quiet when Paulus Len- 

1 lelmer (said to =Ethelmar) Tomassen was skipper of the Great Gerrit in 
1647, when Stuyvesant made him company's storekeeper and second in military 
command ; in 1649 and 1650, of the Falcon. Paulus Leendertsen van der Grift 
was a captain in the West India Company's service from at least 1644. In 
1647 Stuyvesant made him superintendent of naval equipment. In the first 
municipal government of New Amsterdam, 1653, he was made a schepen 
(magistrate and councillor), later a bnrgomaster. 

2 Reverend Johannes Backerus, minister for the Company at Cura9ao from 
1642 to 1647, was transferred to Amsterdam when Stuyvesant came out, in order 
to fill the vacancy left by Reverend Everardus Bogardus, minister at Manhattan 
from 1633 to 1647, who, after long quarrelling with Kieft, had gone home in the 
same ship with him, the ill-fated Princess. 


aertssen begins to make objections, which he does not easily 
do for any one else, which causes suspicion in the minds of 
many. There remains to complete this court-bench, the 
secretary and the fiscaal, Hendrick van Dyck, 1 who had pre- 
viously been an ensign-bearer. Director Stuyvesant has kept 
him twenty-nine months out of the meetings of the council, 
for the reason among others which His Honor assigned, that 
he cannot keep secret but will make public, what is there 
resolved. He also frequently declared that he was a villain, 
a scoundrel, a thief and the like. All this is well known to 
the fiscaal, who dares not against him take the right course, 
and in our judgment it is not advisable for him to do so; for 
the Director is utterly insufferable in word and deed. What 
shall we say of a man whose head is troubled, and has a screw 
loose, especially when, as often happens, he has been drinking. 
To conclude, there is the secretary, Cornelius van Tien- 
hoven. 2 Of this man very much could be said, and more than 
we are able, but we shall select here and there a little for 
the sake of brevity. He is cautious, subtle, intelligent and 
sharp-witted good gifts when they are well used. He is one 
of those who have been longest in the country, and every cir- 
cumstance is well known to him, in regard both to the Christians 
and the Indians. With the Indians, moreover, he has run 
about the same as an Indian, with a little covering and a small 
patch in front, from lust after the prostitutes to whom he has 
always been mightily inclined, and with whom he has had so 
much to do that no punishment or threats of the Director can 
drive him from them. He is extremely expert in dissimulation. 
He pretends himself that he bites when asleep, and that he 
shows externally the most friendship towards those whom he 
most hates. He gives every one who has any business with 
him which scarcely any one can avoid good answers and 
promises of assistance, yet rarely helps anybody but his 
friends; but twists continually and shuffles from one side to 
the other. In his words and conduct he is shrewd, false, deceit- 
ful and given to lying, promising every one, and when it comes 

1 Ensign Hendrick van Dyck came out in 1640 as commander of the militia; 
again with Stuyvesant in 1647 as schaut-fiscaal. In 1652 Stuyvesant removed 
him from that office. His defence of his official career, a valuable document, may 
be seen in N. Y. Col. Doc., I. 491-513. 2 See pp. 332, note 2, and 357. 


to perform, at home to no one. The origin of the war was as- 
cribed principally to him, together with some of his friends. 
In consequence of his false reports and lies the Director was led 
into it, as is believed and declared both by the honest Indians 
and Christians. Now, if the voice of the people, according to 
the maxim, be the voice of God, one can with truth say scarcely 
anything good of this man or omit anything bad. The whole 
country, save the Director and his party, cries out against him 
bitterly, as a villain, murderer and traitor, and that he must 
leave the country or there will be no peace with the Indians. 
Director Stuyvesant was, at first and afterwards, well ad- 
monished of this; but he has nevertheless kept him in office, 
and allowed him to do so much, that all things go according to 
his wishes, more than if he were President. Yea, he also says 
that he is well contented to have him in his service, but that 
stone does not yet rest. We firmly believe that he misleads 
him in many things, so that he does many bad things which he 
otherwise would not do ; in a word, that he is an indirect cause 
of his ruin and dislike in the country. But it seems that the 
Director can or will not see it ; for when it was represented to 
him by some persons he gave it no consideration. It has been 
contrived to disguise and manage matters so, that in the 
Fatherland, where the truth can be freely spoken, nobody 
would be able to molest him in order to discover the truth. 
We do not attempt to. Having established the powers of the 
Council, it is easy to understand that the right people clung by 
each other, in order to maintain the imaginary sovereignty and 
to give a gloss to the whole business. Nine men were chosen to 
represent the whole commonalty, and commissions and instruc- 
tions were given that whatever these men should do, should 
be the act of the whole commonalty. 1 And so in fact it was, 
as long as it corresponded with the wishes and views of the 
Director. In such cases they represented the whole com- 
monalty; but when it did not so correspond, they were then 
clowns, usurers, rebels and the like. But to understand this 
properly it will be best briefly to state all things chronologically, 
as they have happened during his administration, and in what 
manner those who have sought the good of the country have 
been treated with injustice. 

^ee the introduction. 


His first arrival for what passed on the voyage is not for 
us to speak of was like a peacock, with great state and pomp. 
The declaration of His Honor, that he wished to stay here only 
three years, with other haughty expressions, caused some to 
think that he would not be a father. The appellation of Lord 
General, 1 and similar titles, were never before known here. 
Almost every day he caused proclamations of various import 
to be published, which were for the most part never observed, 
and have long since been a dead letter, except the wine excise, 
as that yielded a profit. The proceedings of the Eight Men, 
especially against Jochem Pietersz Cuyffer and Cornelis Molyn, 
happened in the beginning of his administration. The Director 
showed himself so one-sided in them, that he gave reason to 
many to judge of his character, yet little to his advantage. 
Every one clearly saw that Director Kieft had more favor, aid 
and counsel in his suit than his adversary, and that the one 
Director was the advocate of the other as the language of 
Director Stuyvesant imported and signified when he said, 
" These churls may hereafter endeavor to knock me down also, 
but I will manage it so now, that they will have their bellies 
full for the future." How it was managed, the result of the 
lawsuit can bear witness. They were compelled to pay fines, 
and were cruelly banished. In order that nothing should be 
wanting, Cornelis Molyn, when he asked for mercy, till it should 
be seen how his matters would turn out in the Fatherland, was 
threatened in language like this, as Molyn, who is still living, 
himself declares, "If I knew, Molyn, that you would divulge 
our sentence, or bring it before Their High Mightinesses, I 
would cause you to be hung immediately on the highest tree 
in New-Netherland." Now this took place in private, and 
may be denied and ought not to be true, but what does it 
matter, it is so confirmed by similar cases that it cannot be 
doubted. For, some time after their departure, in the house 
of the minister, where the consistory 2 had been sitting and 
had risen, it happened that one Arnoldus van Herdenbergh 
related the proceedings relative to the estate of Zeger Teunisz, 

1 M yn Heer Generael is hardly what would be meant in English by " Lord 
General"; it is most like Fr. Monsieur le General. 

3 The church session, in the Reformed Church, consisting of minister, elders 
and deacons. 


and how he himself as curator had appealed from the sen- 
tence; whereupon the Director, who had been sitting there 
with them as an elder, interrupted him and replied, "It may 
during my administration be contemplated to appeal, but if any 
one should do it, I will make him a foot shorter, and send the 
pieces to Holland, and let him appeal in that way." Oh cruel 
words! what more could even a sovereign do? And yet this 
is all firmly established; for after Jochem Pieterz CuyrTer and 
Cornelis Molyn went to the Fatherland to prosecute their 
appeal, and letters came back here from them, and the report 
was that their appeal was granted, or would be granted, 
the Director declared openly at various times and on many 
occasions, as well before inhabitants as strangers, when speak- 
ing of Jochem Pietersz Cuyter and Cornelis Molyn, "Even if 
they should come back cleared and bring an order of the 
States, no matter what its contents, unless their High Mighti- 
nesses summon me, I should immediately send them back." 
His Honor has also always denied that any appeal was or could 
be taken in this country, and declared that he was able to 
show this conclusively. And as some were not willing to 
believe it, especially in matters against the Company or their 
chief officers, a great deal which had been sought out in every 
direction was cited, and really not much to the purpose. At 
the first, while Director Kieft was still here, the English min- 
ister, 1 as he had long continued to serve without proper sup- 
port and as his land was now confiscated, prayed that he might 
be permitted to proceed to the Islands,? or to the Netherlands; 
but an unfavorable answer was always given him, and he was 
threatened with this and that; finally it resulted in permis- 
sion to leave, provided he gave a promise under his hand, that 
he would not in any place in which he should come, speak 
or complain of what had befallen him here in New Nether- 
land under Director Kieft or Stuyvesant. This the man him- 
self declares. Mr. Dincklagen and Captain Loper, 3 who then 
had seats in the council, also say that this is true. One won- 
ders, if the Directors act rightly according to their own con- 
sciences, what they wished to do with such certificates, and 

1 Francis Doughty. The West Indies. 

3 Jacob Loper, a Swedish naval captain in the Dutch service, who had 
married the eldest daughter of Cornelis Molyn. 


others like them, which were secretly obtained. The Honora- 
ble Director began also at the first to argue very stoutly 
against the contraband trade, as was indeed very laudable, 
provided the object was to regulate the matter and to keep 
the law enforced ; yet this trade, forbidden to others, he him- 
self wished to carry on; but to this the people were not willing 
to consent. His Honor said, and openly asserted, that he was 
allowed, on behalf of the Company, to sell powder, lead and 
guns to the Indians, but no one else could do so, and that he 
wished to carry their resolution into execution. What the 
resolution of the Company amounts to, is unknown to us, 1 
but what relates to the act is notorious to every inhabitant; 
as the Director has by his servants openly carried on the trade 
with the Indians, and has taken guns from free men who had 
brought with them one or two for their own use and amuse- 
ment, paying for them according to his own pleasure, and 
selling them to the Indians. But this way of proceeding 
could amount to nothing, and made little progress. Another 
plan was necessary, and therefore a merchant, Gerrit Vas- 
trick, received orders to bring with him one case of guns 
which is known of, for the purpose, as it was said, of supply- 
ing the Indians sparingly. They set about with this case of 
guns so openly, that there was not a man on the Manathans 
but knew it; and it was work enough to quiet the people. 
Everybody made his own comment; and, as it was observed 
that the ship was not inspected as others had been before, it 
was presumed that there were many more guns, besides pow- 
der and lead, in it for the Governor; but as the first did not 
succeed, silence was therefore observed in regard to the rest; 
and it might have passed unnoticed, had not every one per- 
ceived what a great door for abuse and opportunity the 
Director so opened to all others, and to the captain and 
merchant, who were celebrated for this of old, and who were 
now said to have brought with them a great number of guns, 

1 Mr. Murphy quotes an apposite passage from a letter which the company 
had written to Stuyvesant on April 7, 1648: "As they [the Indians] urge it with 
such earnestness, that they would rather renew the war with us than be without 
these articles, and as a war with them, in our present situation, would be very 
unwelcome, we think the best policy is to furnish them with powder and ball, 
but with a sparing hand." 



which was the more believed, because they went to the right 
place, and on their return were dumb as to what they did. 
This begat so much discontent among the common people, and 
even among other officers, that it is not to be expressed; and 
had the people not been persuaded and held back, something 
extraordinary would have happened. It was further declared 
that the Director is everything, and does the business of the 
whole country, having several shops himself; that he is a 
brewer and has breweries, is a part owner of ships, a merchant 
and a trader, as well in lawful as contraband articles. But he 
does not mind ; he exhibits the orders of the Managers that he 
might do so, and says moreover that he should receive a supply 
of powder and lead by the Falconer for the purpose. In a 
word, the same person who interdicts the trade to others upon 
pain of death, carries it on both secretly and openly, and de- 
sires, contrary to good rules, that his example be not followed, 
and if others do follow it which indeed too often happens 
secretly that they be taken to the gallows. This we have seen 
in the case of Jacob Reyntgen and Jacob van Schermerhoren, 
against whom the penalty of death was asked, which the Direc- 
tor was with great difficulty persuaded to withdraw, and who 
were then banished as felons and their goods confiscated. 1 The 
banishment was, by the intervention of many good men, after- 
wards revoked, but their goods, which amounted to much (as 
they were Scotch merchants 2 ), remained confiscated. We can- 
not pass by relating here what happened to one Joost Theunisz 
Backer, as he has complained to us of being greatly maltreated, 
as he in fact was. For the man being a reputable burgher, 
of good life and moderate means, was put in prison upon the 
declaration of an officer of the Company, who, according to the 
General and Council, had himself thrice well deserved the 
gallows, and for whom a new one even had been made, from 
which, out of mercy, he escaped. Charges were sought out on 
every side, and finally, when nothing could be established against 
him having the semblance of crime, he was released again, after 
thirteen days confinement, upon satisfactory bail for his ap- 
pearance in case the fiscaal should find anything against him. 
Nothing has as yet been done about it. After the year and a day 
had passed by, we have, as representatives of the commonalty, 

1 These sentences were imposed in July, 1648. a Peddlers. 


and upon his request, legally solicited, as his sureties were 
troubling him, that the suit should be tried, so that he might be 
punished according to his deserts if he were guilty, and if not, 
that he might be discharged. But there was nothing gained by 
our interposition, as we were answered with reproachful lan- 
guage, and the fiscaal was permitted to rattle out anything 
that came in his mouth, and the man was rendered odious 
beyond all precedent, and abused before all as a foul monster. 
Asked he anything, even if it were all right, he received angry 
and abusive language, his request was not complied with, and 
justice was denied him. These things produce great dissatis- 
faction, and lead some to meditate leaving the country. It 
happened better with one Pieter vander Linden, as he was not 
imprisoned. There are many others, for the most of them are 
disturbed and would speak if they durst. Now the Company 
itself carries on the forbidden trade, the people think that 
they too can do so without guilt, if they can do so without 
damage; and this causes smuggling and frauds to an incredible 
extent, though not so great this year as heretofore. The pub- 
lishing of a placard that those who were guilty, whether civilly 
or criminally, in New England, might have passport and protec- 
tion here, has very much embittered the minds of the English, 
and has been considered by every one fraught with bad conse- 
quences. Great distrust has also been created among the 
inhabitants on account of Heer Stuyvesant being so ready to 
confiscate. There scarcely comes a ship in or near here, 
which, if it do not belong to friends, is not regarded as a prize 
by him. Though little comes of it, great claims are made to 
come from these matters, about which we will not dispute ; but 
confiscating has come to such repute in New Netherland, that 
nobody anywise conspicuous considers his property to be 
really safe. It were well if the report of this thing were con- 
fined to this country; but it has spread among the neighboring 
English north and south and in the West Indies and Caribbee 
Islands. Everywhere there, the report is so bad, that not a 
ship dare come hither from those places; and good credible 
people who come from thence, by the way of Boston, and others 
here trading at Boston, assure us that more than twenty-five 
ships would come here from those islands every year if the 
owners were not fearful of confiscation. It is true of these 


places only and the report of it flies everywhere, and produces 
like fear, so that this vulture is destroying the prosperity of 
New Netherland, diverting its trade, and making the people 
discouraged, for other places not so well situated as this, have 
more shipping. All the permanent inhabitants, the merchant, 
the burgher and peasant, the planter, the laboring man, and 
also the man in service, suffer great injury in consequence; 
for if the shipping were abundant, everything would be sold 
cheaper, and necessaries be more easily obtained than they are 
now, whether they be such as the people themselves, by God's 
blessing, get out of the earth, or those they otherwise procure, 
and be sold better and with more profit; and people and 
freedom would bring trade. New England is a clear example 
that this policy succeeds well, and so especially is Virginia. All 
the debts and claims which were left uncollected by Director 
Kieft due for the most part from poor and indigent people 
who had nothing, and whose property was destroyed by the 
war, by which they were compelled to abandon their houses, 
lands, cattle and other means were now demanded; and when 
the people declared that they were not able to pay that they 
had lost their property by the war, and asked My Lord to please 
have patience, they were repulsed. A resolution was adopted 
and actually put into execution, requiring those who did not 
satisfy the Company's debts, to pay interest; but the debts in 
question were made in and by the war, and the people are not 
able to pay either principal or interest. Again, the just debts 
which Director Kieft left behind, due from the Company, 
whether they consisted of monthly wages, or were for grain 
delivered, or were otherwise lawfully contracted, these the 
Director will not pay. If we oppose this as an unusual course, 
we are rebuked and it has to be so. We have by petition and 
proper remonstrance effected, however, so much, that the col- 
lection of the debts is put off for a time. 

Besides this, the country of the Company is so taxed, and 
is burdened and kept down in such a manner, that the inhab- 
itants are not able to appear beside their neighbors of Virginia 
or New England, or to undertake any enterprise. It seems 
and so far as is known by us all the inhabitants of New Neth- 
erland declare that the Managers have scarce any care or 
regard for New Netherland, except when there is some- 


thing to receive, for which reason, however, they receive less. 
The great extremity of war in which we have been, clearly 
demonstrates that the Managers have not cared whether New 
Netherland sank or swam; for when in that emergency aid 
and assistance were sought from them which they indeed were 
bound by honor and by promises to grant, unsolicited, pursu- 
ant to the Exemptions they have never made any attempt to 
furnish them at their own expense. We let the expense go; 
they have never established any good order or regulation con- 
cerning it, although (after all) such a thing had been decreed 
and commanded by Their High Mightinesses. Neither have 
they ever allowed the true causes and reasons of the war to be 
investigated, nor have they attempted to punish those who 
had rashly begun it. Hence no little suspicion that it was 
undertaken by their orders; at least it is certain that their 
officers were chosen more from favor and friendship than merit, 
which did not make their matters go on better. But this is the 
loss and damage for the most part of the stockholders. Many of 
the others doubtless knew well their objects. In a word, they 
come far short in affording that protection which they owe 
the country, for there is nothing of the kind. They understand 
how to impose taxes, for while they promised in the Exemp- 
tions not to go above five per cent., they now take sixteen. It 
is a common saying that a half difference is a great difference, 
but that is nothing in comparison with this. The evasions 
and objections which are used by them, as regards merchants' 
goods, smuggling and many other things, and which the times 
have taught them, in order to give color to their acts, are of 
no force or consideration. They however are not now to be 
refuted, as it would take too long; though we stand ready to 
do so if there be any necessity for it. These and innumerable 
other difficulties, which we have not time to express, exist, 
tending to the damage, injury and ruin of the country. If 
the inhabitants or we ourselves go to the Director or other 
officers of the Company, and speak of the flourishing condi- 
tion of our neighbors, and complain of our own desolate and 
ruinous state, we get no other answer from them than that 
they see and observe it, but cannot remedy it, as they follow 
the Company's orders, which they are compelled to do, and 
that if we have any thing to say, we must petition their 


masters, the Managers, or Their High Mightinesses, which in 
truth we have judged to be necessary. It is now more than 
a year since the commons-men deemed it expedient, and 
proposed, to send a deputation to Their High Mightinesses. 
The Director commended the project and not only assented 
to it but urged it strongly. It was put well in the mill, so that 
we had already spoken of a person to go, but it fell through 
for these reasons : When it was proposed, the Director desired 
that we should consult him and act according to his wishes; 
which some who perceived the object would not consent to, 
and the matter therefore fell asleep. Besides, the English, who 
had been depended upon and who were associated in the affair, 
withdrew till the necessity of action became greater, and the 
Nine Men were changed the next year, 1 when Herr Stuyvesant 
again urged the matter strongly, and declared that he had al- 
ready written to the Company that such persons would come. 
After the election of the Nine Men, and before the new incum- 
bents were sworn in, it was determined and resolved verbally, 
that they would proceed with the deputation, whatever should 
be the consequences; but it remained some time before the 
oath was renewed, on account of some amplification of the 
commission being necessary, which was finally given and 
recorded and signed; but we have never been able to obtain 
an authentic copy of it, although the Director has frequently 
promised and we have frequently applied for it. 

As the Company had now been waited upon a long while 
in vain, promising amendment from time to time but going on 
worse, a determined resolution was taken by the commons- 
men to send some person. They made their intention known 
to the Director, and requested that they might confer with the 
commonalty; but their proposition was not well received, and 
they obtained in reply to their written petition a very long 
apostil, to the effect, that consultation must be had with the 
Director, and his instructions followed, with many other 
things which did not agree with our object, and were impracti- 
cable, as we think. For various reasons which we set down 
in writing, we thought it was not advisable to consult with 
him, but we represented to his Honor that he should proceed ; 
we would not send anything to the Fatherland without his 

1 December, 1648. 


having a copy of it. If he could then justify himself, we should 
be glad he should; but to be expected to follow his directions 
in this matter was not, we thought, founded in reason, but 
directly antagonistic to the welfare of the country. We had 
also never promised or agreed to do so; and were bound by an 
oath to seek the prosperity of the country, as, according to 
our best knowledge, we are always inclined to do. 

In the above mentioned apostil it says, if we read rightly, 
that we should inquire what approbation the commonalty 
were willing to give to this business, and how the expense 
should be defrayed; but the Director explained it differently 
from what we understood it. Now as his Honor was not willing 
to convene the people however urgent our request, or that we 
should do it, we went round from house to house and spoke to 
the commonalty. The General has, from that time, burned 
with rage, and, if we can judge, has never been effectually 
appeased since, although we did not know but that we had fol- 
lowed his order herein. Nevertheless it was perceived that the 
Nine Men would not communicate with him or follow his 
directions in anything pertaining to the matter. This excited 
in him a bitter and unconquerable hatred against them all, 
but principally against those whom he supposed to be the chief 
authors of it; and although these persons had been good and 
dear friends with him always, and he, shortly before, had 
regarded them as the most honorable, able, intelligent and pious 
men of the country, yet as soon as they did not follow the 
General's wishes they were this and that, some of them rascals, 
liars, rebels, usurers and spendthrifts, in a word, hanging was 
almost too good for them. It had been previously strongly 
urged that the deputation should be expedited, but then [he 
said] there was still six months time, and that all that was 
proper and necessary could be put upon a sheet of paper. Many 
reports also were spread among the people, and it was sought 
principally by means of the English to prevent the college of 
the Nine Men from doing anything; but as these intrigues were 
discovered, and it was therefore manifest that this could not 
be effected, so in order to make a diversion, many suits were 
brought against those who were considered the ringleaders. 
They were accused and then prosecuted by the fiscaal and other 
suborned officers, who made them out to be the greatest 


villains in the country, where shortly before they had been 
known as the best people and dearest children. At this time 
an opportunity presented itself, which the Director was as 
glad to have, at least as he himself said, as his own life. At 
the beginning of the year 1649, clearly perceiving that we 
would not only have much to do about the deputation but 
would hardly be able to accomplish it, we deemed it necessary 
to make regular memoranda for the purpose of furnishing a 
journal from them at the proper time. This duty was com- 
mitted to one Adriaen vander Donck, who by a resolution 
adopted at the same time was lodged in a chamber at the house 
of one Michael Jansz. The General on a certain occasion 
when Vander Donck was out of the chamber, seized this 
rough draft with his own hands, put Vander Donck the day 
after in jail, called together the great Council, accused him of 
having committed crimen Icesce majestatis, and took up the 
matter so warmly, that there was no help for it but either the 
remonstrance must be drawn up in concert with him (and it 
was yet to be written,) or else the journal as Mine Heer 
styled the rough draft from which the journal was to be 
prepared was of itself sufficient excuse for action; for Mine 
Heer said there were great calumnies in it against Their High 
Mightinesses, and when we wished to explain it and asked 
for it, to correct the errors, (as the writer did not wish to 
insist upon it and said he knew well that there were mistakes 
in it, arising from haste and other similar causes, in conse- 
quence of his having had much to do and not having read 
over again the most of it,) our request was called a libel 
which was worthy of no answer, and the writer of which it 
was intended to punish as an example to others. In fine we 
could not make it right in any way. He forbade Vander 
Donck the council and also our meetings, and gave us formal 
notice to that effect, and yet would not release him from his 
oath. Then to avoid the proper mode of proof, he issued a 
proclamation declaring that no testimony or other act should 
be valid unless it were written by the secretary, who is of ser- 
vice to nobody, but on the contrary causes every one to com- 
plain that nothing can be done. Director Kieft had done the 
same thing when he was apprehensive that an attestation 
would be executed against him. And so it is their practice 


generally to do everything they can think of in order to uphold 
their conduct. Those whose offices required them to concern 
themselves with the affairs of the country, and did so, did well, 
if they went according to the General's will and pleasure; if 
they did not, they were prosecuted and thrown into prison, 
guarded by soldiers so that they could not speak with any 
body, angrily abused as vile monsters, threatened to be 
taught this and that, and everything done against them that 
he could contrive or invent. We cannot enter into details, 
but refer to the record kept of these things, and the documents 
which the Director himself is to furnish. From the foregoing 
relation Their High Mightinesses, and others interested who 
may see it, can well imagine what labor and burdens we have 
had upon our shoulders from which we would very willingly 
have escaped, but for love of the country and of truth, which, 
as far as we know, has long lain buried. The trouble and diffi- 
culty which do or will affect us, although wanting no addition, 
do not grieve us so much as the sorrowful condition of New 
Netherland, now lying at its last gasp; but we hope and trust 
that our afflictions and the sufferings of the inhabitants and 
people of the country will awaken in Their High Mightinesses a 
compassion which will be a cause of rejoicing to New Netherland. 

In what Manner New Netherland should be Redressed. 

Although we are well assured and know, in regard to the 
mode of redress of the country, we are only children, and Their 
High Mightinesses are entirely competent, we nevertheless 
pray that they overlook our presumption and pardon us if we 
make some suggestions according to our slight understanding 
thereof, in addition to what we have considered necessary in 
our petition to Their High Mightinesses. 

In our opinion this country will never flourish under the 
government of the Honorable Company, but will pass away 
and come to an end of itself without benefiting thereby the 
Honorable Company, so that it would be better and more 
profitable for them, and better for the country, that they 
should divest themselves of it and transfer their interests. 

To speak specifically. Provision ought to be made for pub- 
lic buildings, as well ecclesiastical as civil, which, in begin- 


nings, can be ill dispensed with. It is doubtful whether divine 
worship will not have to cease altogether in consequence of 
the departure of the minister, and the inability of the Company. 
There should be a public school, provided with at least two 
good masters, so that first of all in so wild a country, where there 
are many loose people, the youth be, well taught and brought 
up, not only in reading and writing, out also in the knowledge 
and fear of the Lord. As it is now, the school is kept very 
irregularly, one and another keeping it according to his 
pleasure and as long as he thinks proper. There ought also to 
be an almshouse and an orphan asylum, and other similar 
institutions. The minister who now goes home, 1 should be able 
to give a much fuller explanation thereof. The country must 
also be provided with godly, honorable and intelligent rulers 
who are not too indigent, or indeed are not too covetous. A 
covetous chief makes poor subjects. The manner the country 
is now governed falls severely upon it, and is intolerable, for 
nobody is unmolested or secure in his property longer than the 
Director pleases, who is generally strongly inclined to confiscat- 
ing; and although one does well, and gives the Heer what is due 
to him, one must still study always to please him if he would 
have quiet. A large population would be the consequence of a 
good government, as we have shown according to our knowl- 
edge in our petition; and although to give free passage and 
equip ships, if it be necessary, would be expensive at first, yet if 
the result be considered, it would be an exceedingly wise meas- 
ure, if by that means farmers and laborers together with other 
needy people were brought into the country, with the little 
property which they have; as also the Fatherland has enough 
of such people to spare. We hope it would then prosper, espe- 
cially as good privileges and exemptions, which we regard as 
the mother of population, would encourage the inhabitants to 
carry on commerce and lawful trade. Every one would be 
allured hither by the pleasantness, situation, salubrity and 
fruitfulness of the country, if protection were secured within 
the already established boundaries. It would all, with God's 
assistance, then, according to human judgment, go well, and 
New Netherland would in a few years be a worthy place and 

1 Reverend Johannes Backerus. 


be able to do service to the Netherland nation, to repay richly 
the cost, and to thank its benefactors. 

High Mighty Lords! We have had the boldness to write 
this remonstrance, and to represent matters as we have done 
from love of the truth, and because we felt ourselves obliged to 
do so by our oath and conscience. It is true that we have not 
all of us at one time or together seen, heard and met with every 
detail of its entire contents. Nevertheless there is nothing in 
it but what is well known by some of us to be true and cer- 
tain; the most is known by all of us to be true. We hope 
Their High Mightinesses will pardon our presumption and 
be charitable with our plainness of style, composition and 
method. In conclusion we commit Their High Mightinesses, 
their persons, deliberations and measures and their people, at 
home and abroad, together with all the friends of New Nether- 
land, to the merciful guidance and protection of the Most High, 
whom we supplicate for Their High Mightinesses' present and 
eternal welfare. Amen. 

Done this 28th of July in New Netherland, subscribed, 
STEVENSZ" (by whose name was written " Under protest 
obliged to sign about the government of the Heer Kieft"), 


BOUT." Below was written, " After collation with the original 
remonstrance, dated and subscribed as above, with which 
these are found to correspond, at the Hague, the 13th October, 
1649, by me;" and was subscribed, 

"D. v. SCHELLUYNEN, Notary Public." 





THE origin and value of the following document have been 
sufficiently described in the introduction to that which pre- 
cedes. Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of the province 
under Kieft and Stuyvesant, had been sent by the latter to 
Holland to counteract the efforts of the three emissaries whom 
the commonalty had sent thither to denounce the existing 
system of government. Working in close co-operation with the 
Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Company, he played 
a skilful game, and succeeded in delaying and in part averting 
hostile action on the part of the States General. The piece 
which follows is his chief defensive recital of the acts of the 
administration, and as such has much value. 

Van Tienhoven had the reputation of a libertine, and con- 
ducted himself as such while in Holland, finally escaping to New 
Netherland in 1651 with a girl whom he had deceived, though 
he had a wife in the province. Yet Stuyvesant retained him 
in his favor, promoted him in 1652 to be schout-fiscaal of New 
Netherland, and used him as his chief assistant. After a 
disastrous outbreak, however, understood to have been 
caused by his advice, the Company ordered Stuyvesant to 
exclude him from office ; and presently Van Tienhoven and his 
brother, a fraudulent receiver-general, absconded from the 

The manuscript of Van Tienhoven's Answer was found by 
Brodhead in the archives of the Netherlands, and is still there. 
Two translations of it, differing but slightly, have been printed, 
the first in 1849 by Henry C. Murphy, in the Collections of the 
New York Historical Society, second series, II. 329-338, the 



other in 1856 in the Documents relating to the Colonial History 
of New York, I. 422-432. The former, revised by comparison 
with the original manuscript at the Hague by Professor William 
I. Hull, of Swarthmore College, appears in the following 




A Brief Statement or Answer to some Points embraced in the 
Written Deduction of Adrian van der Donk and his Asso- 
ciateSj presented to the High and Mighty Lords States 
General. Prepared by Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary 
of the Director and Council of New Netherland. 

IN order to present the aforesaid answer succinctly, he, 
Van Tienhoven, will allege not only that it ill becomes the afore- 
said Van der Donk and other private persons to assail and 
abuse the administration of the Managers in this country, 
and that of their Governors there, 1 in such harsh and general 
terms, but that they would much better discharge their duty 
if they were first to bring to the notice of their lords and 
patrons what they had to complain of. But passing by this 
point, and leaving the consideration thereof to the discretion 
of your High Mightinesses, he observes preliminarily and 
generally, that these persons say much and prove nothing, so 
that it could as easily and with more truth be denied, than by 
them it is odiously affirmed. 

Coming then to the matter, I will only touch upon those 
points as to which either the Managers or the Directors are 
arraigned. In regard to point No. 1, I deny, and it never will 
appear, that the Company have refused to permit our people 
to make settlements in the country, and allow foreigners to 
take up the land. 

The policy of the Company to act on the defensive, since 
they had not the power to resist their pretended friends, and 
could only protect their rights by protest, was better and more 
prudent than to come to hostilities. 

1 In New Netherland. Van Tienhoven prepared this answer in Holland. 



Trade has long been free to every one, and as profitable as 
ever. Nobody's goods were confiscated, except those who had 
violated their contract, or the order by which they were bound; 
and if anybody thinks that injustice has been done him by 
confiscation, he can speak for himself. At all events it does 
not concern these people. 

As for their complaining that the Christians are treated 
like the Indians in the sale of goods, this is admitted; but this 
was not done by the Company, nor by the Directors, because 
(God help them) they have not had anything there to sell for 
many years. Most of the remonstrants, being merchants or 
factors, are themselves the cause of this, since they are the 
persons who, for those articles which cost here one hundred 
guilders, charge there, over and above the first cost, including 
insurance, duties, laborer's wages, freight, etc., one and two 
hundred per cent, or more profit. Here can be seen at once 
how these people lay to the charge of the Managers and their 
officers the very fault which they themselves commit. They 
can never show, even at the time the Company had their shop 
and magazines there well supplied, that the goods were sold 
at more than fifty per cent, profit, in conformity with the 
Exemptions. The forestalling of the goods by one and another, 
and their trying to get this profit, cannot be prevented by 
the Director, the more so as the trade was thrown open to 
both those of small and those of large means. 

It is a pure calumny, that the Company had ordered half a 
fault to be reckoned for a whole one. 

And, as it does not concern the inhabitants what instruc- 
tions or orders the patroon gives to his chief agent, the charge 
is made for the purpose of making trouble. For these people 
would like to live without being subject to any one's censure 
or discipline, which, however, they stand doubly in need of. 

Again it is said in general terms, but wherein, should be 
specified and proven, that the Director exercises and has 
usurped sovereign power. 

That the inhabitants have had need of the Directors appears 
by the books of accounts, in which it can be seen that the Com- 
pany has assisted all the freemen (some few excepted) with 
clothing, provisions and other things, and in the erection of 
houses, and this at the rate of fifty per cent, advance above the 


actual cost in the Fatherland, which is not yet paid. And 
they would gladly, by means of complaints, drive the Com- 
pany from the land, and pay nothing. 

It is ridiculous to suppose Director Kieft should have said 
that he was sovereign, like the Prince in the Fatherland; but 
as relates to the denial of appeal to the Fatherland, it arose 
from this, that, in the Exemptions, the Island of the Man- 
hatans was reserved as the capital of New Netherland, and all 
the adjacent colonies were to have their appeal to it as the 
Supreme Court of that region. 1 

Besides, it is to be remarked, that the patroon of the colony 
of Renselaerswyck notified all the inhabitants not to appeal to 
the Manhatans, which was contrary to the Exemptions, by 
which the colonies are bound to make a yearly report of the 
state of the colony, and of the administration of justice, to the 
Director and Council on the Manhatans. 2 

The Directors have never had any management of, or med- 
dled with, church property. And it is not known, nor can it 
be proven, that any one of the inhabitants of New Netherland 
has contributed or given, either voluntarily or upon solicita- 
tion, anything for the erection of an orphan asylum or an alms- 
house. It is true that the church standing in the fort was built 
in the time of William Kieft, and 1,800 guilders were subscribed 
for the purpose, for which most of the subscribers have been 
charged in their accounts, which have not yet been paid. The 
Company in the meantime has disbursed the money, so that 
the commonalty (with a few exceptions) has not, but the 
Company has, paid the workmen. If the commonalty desire 
such works as the aforesaid, they must contribute towards them 
as is done in this country, and, if there were an orphan asylum 
and almshouse, there should be rents not only to keep up the 
house, but also to maintain the orphans and old people. 

If any one could show that by will, or by donation of a 
living person, any money, or moveable or immoveable property, 
has been bestowed for such or any other public work, the 
remonstrants would have done it ; but there is in New Nether- 
land no instance of the kind, and the charge is spoken or written 
in anger. When the church which is in the fort was to be 
built, the churchwardens were content it should be put there. 

1 Art. xx. Art. xxvin. 


These persons complain because they considered the Company's 
fort not worthy of a church. Before the church was built, the 
grist-mill could not grind with a southeast wind, because the 
wind was shut off by the walls of the fort. 

Although the new school, towards which the commonalty 
has contributed something, is not yet built, the Director has 
no management of the money, but the churchwardens have, 
and the Director is busy in providing materials. In the mean 
time a place has been selected for a school, where the school is 
kept by Jan Cornelissen. The other schoolmasters keep school 
in hired houses, so that the youth, considering the circum- 
stances of the country, are not in want of schools. It is true 
there is no Latin school or academy, but if the commonalty 
desire it, they can furnish the means and attempt it. 

As to what concerns the deacons' or poor fund, the deacons 
are accountable, and are the persons to be inquired of, as to 
where the money is invested, which they have from time to 
time put out at interest; and as the Director has never had 
the management of it, (as against common usage), the deacons 
are responsible for it, and not the director. It is true Director 
Kieft being distressed for money, had a box hung in his house, 
of which the deacons had one key, and in which all the small 
fines and penalties which were incurred on court days were 
dropped. With the consent of the deacons he opened it, and 
took on interest the money, which amounted to a pretty 

It is admitted, that the beer excise was imposed by William 
Kieft, and the wine excise by Peter Stuyvesant, and that they 
continued to be collected up to the time of my leaving there; 
but it is to be observed here, that the memorialists have no 
reason to complain about it, for the merchant, burgher, farmer 
and all others (tapsters only excepted), can lay in as much 
beer and wine as they please without paying any excise, being 
only bound to give an account of it in order that the quantity 
may be ascertained. The tapsters pay three guilders for each 
tun of beer and one stiver for each can of wine, 1 which they 
get back again from their daily visitors and the travellers from 
New England, Virginia and elsewhere. 

1 The stiver was the twentieth part of a gulden or guilder, and equivalent to 
two cents, the guilder being equivalent to forty cents. 


The commonalty up to that time were burdened with no 
other local taxes than the before mentioned excise, unless the 
voluntary gift which was employed two years since for the 
continuation of the building of the church, be considered a tax, 
of which Jacob Couwenhoven, 1 who is one of the church- 
wardens, will be able to give an account. 

In New England there are no taxes or duties imposed upon 
goods exported or imported ; but every person's wealth is there 
appraised by the government, and he must pay for the follow- 
ing, according to his wealth and the assessment by the magis- 
trates: for the building and repairing of churches, and the 
support of the ministers; for the building of schoolhouses, 
and the support of schoolmasters; for all city and village im- 
provements, and the making and keeping in repair all public 
roads and paths, which are there made many miles into the 
country, so that they can be used by horses and carriages, and 
journeys made from one place to another; for constructing and 
keeping up all bridges over the rivers at the crossings; for the 
building of inns for travellers, and for the maintenance of 
governors, magistrates, marshals and officers of justice, and of 
majors, captains and other officers of the militia. 

In every province of New England there is quarterly a 
general assembly of all the magistrates of such province; 2 and 
there is yearly a general convention of all the provinces, each 
of which sends one deputy with his suite, which convention 
lasts a long time. All their travelling expenses, board and 
compensation are there raised from the people. The poor- 
rates are an additional charge. 

The accounts will show what was the amount of recogni- 
tions collected annually in Kieft's time; but it will not appear 

1 Couwenhoven, it will be remembered, was one of the delegates from the 
commonalty then in Holland. 

3 A loose statement, only so far correct, that each New England colony had 
several sessions of its magistrates each year, sometimes monthly sessions, while 
their legislative assemblies ("general courts") were commonly held more than 
once a year. Van Tienhoven's general contention is correct, that government in 
New England was far more elaborate and expensive than in New Netherland; but 
New England had in 1650 a population of about 30,000, New Netherland hardly, 
more than 3,000. The annual meeting mentioned in the next sentence is that of 
the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in which, however, each colony was 
represented by two deputies, not one. 


that it was as large by far as they say the people were com- 
pelled to pay. This is not the Company's fault, nor the 
Directors', but of those who charge one, two and three hundred 
per cent, profit, which the people are compelled to pay because 
there are few tradesmen. 

It will not appear, either now or in the future, that 30,000 
guilders were collected from the commonalty in Stuyvesant's 
time; for nothing is received besides the beer and wine excise, 
which amounts to about 4,000 guilders a year on the Manhatans. 
From the other villages situated around it there is little or 
nothing collected, because there are no tapsters, except one at 
the Ferry, 1 and one at Flushing. 

If anything has been confiscated, it did not belong to the 
commonalty, but was contraband goods imported from 
abroad; and nobody's goods are confiscated without good 

The question is whether the Honorable Company or the 
Directors are bound to construct any works for the commonalty 
out of the recognition which the trader pays in New Netherland 
for goods exported, especially as those duties were allowed to 
the Company by Their High Mightinesses for the establishment 
of garrisons, and the expenses which they must thereby incur, 
and not for the construction of poor-houses, orphan asylums, or 
even churches and school-houses, for the commonalty. 

The charge that the property of the Company is neglected 
in order to procure assistance from friends, cannot be sustained 
by proof. 

The provisions obtained for the negroes from Tamandare 
were sent to Curagao, except a portion consumed on the Man- 
hatans, as the accounts will show; but all these are matters 
which do not concern these persons, especially as they are not 
accountable for them. 

As to the freemen's contracts which the Director graciously 
granted the negroes who were the Company's slaves, in conse- 
quence of their long service: freedom was given to them on 
condition that their children should remain slaves, who are not 
treated otherwise than as Christians. At present there are 
only three of these children who do any service. One of them 

1 The hamlet on the East River opposite Manhattan; the village of Breukelen 
stood a mile east of the river. 


is at the House of Hope, 1 one at the Company's bouwery, and 
one with Martin Crigier, who has brought the girl up well, as 
everybody knows. 

That the Heer Stuyvesant should build up, alter and repair 
the Company's property was his duty. For the consequent 
loss or profit he will answer to the Company. 

The burghers upon the island of Manhatans and thereabouts 
must know that nobody comes or is admitted to New Nether- 
land (being a conquest) except upon this condition, that he 
shall have nothing to say, and shall acknowledge himself under 
the sovereignty of Their High Mightinesses the States General 
and the Lords Managers, as his lords and patrons, and shall 
be obedient to the Director and Council for the time being, as 
good subjects are bound to be. 

Who are they who have complained about the haughtiness 
of Stuyvesant? I think they are such as seek to live without 
law or rule. 

Their complaint that no regulation was made in relation to 
sewan is untrue. During the time of Director Kieft good 
sewan passed at four for a stiver, and the loose bits were fixed 
at six pieces for a stiver. 2 The reason why the loose sewan 
was not prohibited, was because there is no coin in circulation, 
and the laborers, farmers, and other common people having 
no other money, would be great losers; and had it been done, 
the remonstrants would, without doubt, have included it 
among their grievances. 

Nobody can prove that Director Stuyvesant has used foul 
language to, or railed at as clowns, any persons of respectability 
who have treated him decently. It may be that some profligate 
has given the Director, if he has used any bad words to him, 
cause to do so. 

That the fort is not properly repaired does not concern the 
inhabitants. It is not their domain, but the Company's. They 

1 Near Hartford, Connecticut. The company's bouwery, or farm, next 
mentioned, was the tract extending between the lines of Fulton and Chambers 
Streets, Broadway and the North River. Martin Cregier was captain of the 
militia company. 

3 Kieft's regulation was adopted April 16, 1641. In Connecticut and Massa- 
chusetts, in 1640 and 1641, the legal valuations varied from four beads to the 
penny (or stiver) to six beads. 


are willing to be protected by good forts and garrisons belonging 
to the Company without furnishing any aid or assistance by 
labor or money for the purpose; but it appears they are not 
willing to see a fort well fortified and properly garrisoned, from 
the apprehension that malevolent and seditious persons will 
be better punished, which they call cruelty. 

Had the Director not been compelled to provide the garri- 
sons of New Netherland and Curacao with provisions, clothing 
and pay, the fort would, doubtless, have been completed 

Against whom has Director Stuyvesant personally made a 
question without reason or cause? 

A present of maize or Indian corn they call a contribution, 
because a present is never received from the Indians without 
its being doubly paid for, as these people, being very covet- 
ous, throw out a herring for a codfish, as everybody who knows 
the Indians can bear witness. 

Francis Doughty, father-in-law of Adrian van der Donk, 
and an English minister, was allowed a colony at Mestpacht, 
not for himself alone as patroon, but for him and his associates, 
dwelling in Rhode Island, at Cohanock and other places, from 
whom he had a power of attorney, and of whom a Mr. Smith * 
was one of the principal; for the said minister had scarcely any 
means of himself to build even a hovel, let alone to people a 
colony at his own expense; but was to be employed as minister 
by his associates, who were to establish him on a farm in the 
said colony, for which he would discharge ministerial duties 
among them, and live upon the profits of the farm. 

Coming to the Manhatans to live during the war, he was 
permitted to act as minister for the English dwelling about 
there; and they were bound to maintain him without either 
the Director or the Company being liable to any charge there- 
for. The English not giving him wherewith to live on, two 

1 Richard Smith, a Gloucestershire man, settled early in Plymouth Colony 
(Taunton). Removing thence on account of religious differences, he settled in 
what is now Rhode Island, where he became a close friend of Roger Williams. 
Between 1640 and 1643 he made the first permanent settlement in the Narragan- 
sett country, at Cawcamsqussick (Wickford), where he had for many years his 
chief residence and where his house still stands. His extensive trading interests 
brought him to Manhattan, where for some years he had a house. 


collections were made among the Dutch and English by means 
of which he lived at the Manhatans. 

The said colony of Mespacht was never confiscated, as is 
shown by the owners, still living there, who were interested in 
the colony with Doughty; but as Doughty wished to hinder 
population, and to permit no one to build in the colony unless 
he were willing to pay him a certain amount of money down for 
every morgen of land, and a certain yearly sum in addition in 
the nature of ground-rent, and in this way sought to establish 
a domain therein, the others interested in the colony (Mr. 
Smith especially) having complained, the Director and Council 
finally determined that the associates might enter upon their 
property the farm and lands which Doughty possessed being 
reserved to him; so that he has suffered no loss or damage 
thereby. This I could prove also, were it not that the docu- 
ments are in New Netherland and not here. 

There are no clauses inserted in the ground-briefs, contrary 
to the Exemptions, but the words nog te beramen (hereafter to 
be imposed) can be left out of the ground-briefs, if they be 
deemed offensive. 

Stuyvesant has never contested anything in court, but as 
president has put proper interrogatories to the parties and 
with the court's advice has rendered decisions about which the 
malevolent complain; but it must be proven that anyone has 
been wronged by Stuyvesant in court. 

As to what relates to the second [Vice Director] Dinclagen, 
let him settle his own matters. 

It can be shown that Brian Newton not only understands 
the Dutch tongue, but also speaks it, so that their charge, that 
Newton does not understand the Dutch language, is untrue. 
All the other slanders and calumnies uttered against the re- 
maining officers should be required to be proven. 

It is true that in New Netherland it was commonly stated in 
conversation that there was no appeal from a judgment in New 
Netherland pronounced on the island of Manhatans, founded 
on the Exemptions by which on the island of Manhatans 
was established the supreme court for all the surrounding colo- 
nies, and also that there had never been a case in which an ap- 
peal from New Netherland had been entertained by Their High 
Mightinesses, although it had been petitioned for when Hen- 


drick Jansen Snyder, Laur.ens Cornelissen and others, many 
years ago, were banished from New Netherland. 1 It would be 
a very strange thing indeed if the officers of the Company could 
banish nobody from the country, while the officers of the colony 
of Renselaerswyck, who are merely subordinates of the Com- 
pany, can banish absolutely from the colony whomever they 
may deem advisable for the good of the colony, and permit no 
one to dwell there unless with their approbation and upon cer- 
tain conditions, some of which are as follows: in the first place, 
no one down to the present time can possess a foot of land of his 
own in the colony, but is obliged to take upon rent all the land 
which he cultivates. When a house is erected an annual ground- 
rent in beavers must be paid; and all the farmers must do the 
same, which they call obtaining the right to trade. Where is 
there an inhabitant under the jurisdiction of the Company 
of whom anything was asked or exacted for trade or land? All 
the farms are conveyed in fee, subject to the clause beraemt 
ofte nog te beramen, (taxes imposed or to be imposed.) 

The English minister Francis Doughty has never been in the 
service of the company, wherefore it was not indebted to him ; 
but his English congregation are bound to pay him, as may be 
proven in New Netherland. 

The Company has advanced the said minister, from time to 
time, goods and necessaries of life amounting to about 1100 
guilders, as the Colony-Book can show, which he has not yet 
paid, and he is making complaints now, so that he may avoid 
paying it. Whether or not the Director has desired a compro- 
mise with Doughty, I do not know. 

Director Stuyvesant, when he came to New Netherland, 
endeavored according to his orders to stop in a proper manner 
the contraband trade in guns, powder and lead. The people of 
the colony of Renselaerwyck understanding this, sent a letter 
and petition to the Director, requesting moderation, especially as 
they said if that trade were entirely abolished all the Christians 
in the colony would run great danger of being murdered, as 
may more at large be seen by the contents of their petition. 

1 Hendrick Jansen the tailor was throughout Kieft's administration one of his 
bitterest and most abusive opponents, and was several times prosecuted for slander. 
In 1647 he sailed on the Princess with Kieft and was lost. Lourens Cornelissen 
van der Wei was a sea-captain, and also prosecuted by Kieft. 


The Director and Council taking the request into considera- 
tion, and looking further into the consequences, resolved that 
guns and powder, to a limited extent, be sparingly furnished 
by the factor at Fort Orange, on account of the Company, 
taking good care that no supply should be carried by the boats 
navigating the river, until in pursuance of a further order. It 
is here to be observed that the Director, fearing one of two 
[evils] and in order to keep the colony out of danger, has per- 
mitted some arms to be furnished at the fort. Nobody can 
prove that the Director has sold or permitted to be sold any- 
thing contraband, for his own private benefit. That the 
Director has permitted some guns to be seized has happened 
because they brought with them no license pursuant to the 
order of the Company, and they would under such pretences 
be able to bring many guns. The Director has paid for every 
one that was seized, sixteen guilders, although they do not 
cost in this country more than eight or nine guilders. 

It is true that a case of guns was brought over by Vastrick, 
by order of Director Stuyvesant, in which there were thirty 
guns, which the Director, with the knowledge of the Vice 
Director and fiscaal, permitted to be landed in the full light of 
day, which guns were delivered to Commissary Keyser with 
orders to sell them to the Netherlanders who had no arms, in 
order that in time of need they might defend themselves, which 
Keyser has done; and it will appear by his accounts where these 
guns are. If there were any more guns in the ship it was un- 
known to the Director. The fiscaal, whose business it was, 
should have seen to it and inspected the ship; and these 
accusers should have shown that the fiscaal had neglected to 
make the search as it ought to have been done. 

Jacob Reinsen and Jacob Schermerhorn * are Scotch 
merchants (pedlers) born in Waterland, one of whom, Jacob 
Schermerhorn, was at Fort Orange, the other, Jacob Reintjes, 
was at Fort Amsterdam, who there bought powder, lead and 
guns, and sent them up to Schermerhorn, who traded them to 
the Indians. It so happened that the Company's corporal, 
Gerit Barent, having in charge such of the arms of the Company 
as required to be repaired or cleaned, sold to the before named 
Jacob Reintjes, guns, locks, gun-barrels, etc., as can be proven 

1 See p. 345, supra. 


by Jacob Reintjes' own confession, by letters written to his 
partner long before this came to light, and by the accusations 
of the corporal. The corporal, seduced by the solicitation of 
Jacob Reintjes, sold him the arms as often as desired, though 
the latter knew that the guns and gun-barrels belonged to the 
Company, and not to the corporal. There was confiscated also 
a parcel of peltries (as may be seen in the accounts) coming 
chiefly from the contraband goods (as appears from the letters). 
And as the said Jacob Reintjes has been in this country since 
the confiscation, he would have made complaint if he had not 
been guilty, especially as he was sufficiently urged to do so by 
the enemies of the Company and of the Director, but his own 
letters were witnesses against him. 

Joost de Backer being accused also by the above named 
corporal of having bought gun-locks and gun-barrels from him, 
and the first information having proved correct, his house was 
searched according to law, in which was found a gun of the 
Company which he had procured from the corporal; he was 
therefore taken into custody until he gave security [to answer] 
for the claim of the fiscaal. 

As the English of New England protected among them all 
fugitives who came to them from the Manhatans without the 
passport required by the usage of the country, whether persons 
in the service of the Company or freemen, and took them into 
their service, it was therefore sought by commissioners to induce 
the English to restore the fugitives according to an agreement 
previously made with Governors Eaton and Hopkins, but as 
Governor Eaton failed to send back the runaways, although 
earnestly solicited to do so, the Director and Council, according 
to a previous resolution, issued a proclamation that all persons 
who should come from the province of New Haven (all the others 
excepted) to New Netherland should be protected; which was 
a retaliatory measure. As the Governor permitted some of the 
fugitives to come back to us, the Director and Council annulled 
the order, and since then matters have gone on peaceably, the 
dispute about the boundaries remaining the same as before. 1 

1 Theophilus Eaton, governor of New Haven 1639-1658, and Edward Hop- 
kins, governor of Connecticut seven times in the period 1640-1654. The re- 
criminations and retaliations alluded to took place in the winter of 1647-1648. 
Two months before the date of this Answer, Stuyvesant had arranged with the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies at Hartford a provisional agreement as to 


Nobody's goods have been confiscated in New Netherland 
without great reason; and if any one feels aggrieved about it, 
the Director will be prepared to furnish an answer. That ships 
or shipmasters are afraid of confiscation and therefore do not 
come to New Netherland is probable, for nobody can come to 
New Netherland without a license. Whoever has this, and 
does not violate his agreement, and has properly entered his 
goods, need not be afraid of confiscation; but all smugglers 
and persons who sail with two commissions may well be. 

All those who were indebted to the Company were warned 
by the Director and Council to pay the debts left uncollected 
by the late William Kieft, and as some could, and others could 
not well pay, no one was compelled to pay; but these debts, 
amounting to 30,000 guilders, make many who do not wish to 
pay, angry and insolent, (especially as the Company now has 
nothing in that country to sell them on credit,) and it seems 
that some seek to pay after the Brazil fashion. 1 

The memorialists have requested that the people should not 
be harassed, which however has never been the case, but they 
would be right glad to see that the Company dunned nobody, 
nor demanded their own, yet paid their creditors. It will 
appear by the account-books of the Company that the debts 
were not contracted during the war, but before it. The Com- 
pany has assisted the inhabitants, who were poor and burdened 
with wives and children, with clothing, houses, cattle, land, etc., 
and from time to time charged them in account, in hopes of 
their being able at some time to pay for them. 

If the taxes of New England, before spoken of, be compared 
with those of New Netherland, it will be found that those of 
New England are a greater burden upon that country than the 
taxes of New Netherland are upon our people. 

The wine excise of one stiver per can, was first imposed in 
the year 1647. 

The beer excise of three guilders per tun, was imposed by 
Kieft in 1644, and is paid by the tapster alone, and not by the 

boundaries between English and Dutch on Long Island and on the mainland; but 
the treaty was not ratified by the English and Dutch governments. 

1 The recent conquest of the company's province of Brazil by the Portuguese 
had enabled many debtors there to avoid paying their debts. 


The recognition of eight in a hundred upon exported beaver 
skins does not come out of the inhabitants, but out of the 
trader, who is bound to pay it according to contract. 

The Director has always shown that he was desirous and 
pleased to see a deputation from the commonalty, who should 
seek in the Fatherland from the Company as patrons and the 
Lords States as sovereigns, the following: population, settle- 
ment of boundaries, reduction of charges upon New Netherland 
tobacco and other productions, means of transporting people, 
permanent and solid privileges, etc. 

For which purpose he has always offered to lend a helping 
hand; but the remonstrants have pursued devious paths and 
excited some of the commonalty, and by that means obtained 
a clandestine and secret subscription, as is to be seen by their 
remonstrance, designed for no other object than to render the 
Company their patrons and the officers in New Netherland 
odious before Their High Mightinesses, so that the Company 
might be deprived of the jus patronatus and be still further 

The remonstrants say that we had relied upon the English, 
and by means of them sought to divert the college, (as they call 
it,) which is untrue, as appears by the propositions made to 
them. But it is here to be observed that the English, living 
under the protection of the Netherlanders, having taken the 
oath of allegiance and being domiciliated and settled in New 
Netherland, are to be considered citizens of the country. 
These persons have always been opposed to them, since the 
English, as well as they, had a right to say something in relation 
to the deputation, and would not consent to all their calumnies 
and slanders, but looked to the good of the commonalty and of 
the inhabitants. 

It was not written on their petition, in the margin, that they 
might secretly go and speak to the commonalty. The intention 
of the Director was to cause them to be called together as oppor- 
tunity should offer, at which time they might speak to the com- 
monalty publicly about the deputation. The Director was not 
obliged, as they say, to call the commonalty immediately to- 
gether. It was to be considered by him at what time each one 
could conveniently come from home without considerable loss, 
especially as some lived at a distance in the country, etc. 


That they have not been willing to communicate, was be- 
cause all whom they now paint in such black colors would have 
been able to provide themselves with weapons, and make the 
contrary appear, and in that case could have produced some- 
thing [in accusation of] some of them. And since the Director 
and those connected with the administration in New Nether- 
land are very much wronged and defamed, I desire time in 
order to wait for opposing documents from New Netherland, 
if it be necessary. 

As to Vander Donk and his associates' report that the 
Director instituted suits against some persons: The Director 
going to the house of Michael Jansen, (one of the signers of the 
remonstrance,) was warned by the said Michael and Thomas 
Hall, saying, there was within it a scandalous journal of Adrian 
van der Donck; which journal the Director took with him, and 
on account of the slanders which were contained in it against 
Their High Mightinesses and private individuals, Van der 
Donck was arrested at his lodgings and proof of what he had 
written demanded, but he was released on the application and 
solicitation of others. 

During the administration both of Kieft and of Stuyvesant, 
it was by a placard published and posted, that no attestations 
or other public writings should be valid before a court in New 
Netherland, unless they were written by the secretary. This 
was not done in order that there should be no testimony 
[against the Director] but upon this consideration, that most 
of the people living in Netherland are country and seafaring 
men, and summon each other frequently for small matters 
before the court, while many of them can neither read nor 
write, and neither testify intelligibly nor produce written evi- 
dence, and if some do produce it, sometimes it is written by 
some sailor or farmer, and often wholly indistinct and contrary 
to the meaning of those who had it written or who made the 
statement; consequently the Director and Council could not 
know the truth of matters as was proper and as justice de- 
manded, etc. Nobody has been arrested except Van der Donk 
for writing the journal, and Augustyn Heermans, the agent of 
Gabri, because he refused to exhibit the writings drawn up by 
the Nine Men, which were promised to the Director, who had 
been for them many times like a boy. 


Upon the first point of redress, as they call it, the remon- 
strants advise, that the Company should abandon and transfer 
the country. What frivolous talk this is ! The Company have 
at their own expense conveyed cattle and many persons thither, 
built forts, protected many people who were poor and needy 
emigrating from Holland, and provided them with provisions 
and clothing; and now when some of them have a little more 
than they can eat up in a day, they wish to be released from 
the authority of their benefactors, and without paying if they 
could; a sign of gross ingratitude. 

Hitherto the country has been nothing but expense to the 
Company, and now when it can provide for itself and yield 
for the future some profit to the Company, these people are not 
willing to pay the tenth which they are in duty bound to pay 
after the expiration of the ten years, pursuant to the Exemp- 
tions to which they are making an appeal. 

Upon the second point they say that provision should be 
made for ecclesiastical and municipal property, church services, 
an orphan asylum and an almshouse. If they are such philan- 
thropists as they appear, let them lead the way in generous con- 
tributions for such laudable objects, and not complain when 
the Directors have endeavored to make collections for the 
building of the church and school. What complaints would 
have been made if the Director had undertaken to make col- 
lections for an almshouse and an orphan asylum ! The service 
of the church will not be suspended, although Domine Johan- 
nes Backerus has departed, who was there only twenty-seven 
months. His place is supplied by a learned and godly minister 
who has no interpreter when he defends the Reformed Religion 
against any minister of our neighbors, the English Brownists. 1 

The foregoing are the points which really require any 
answer. We will only add some description of the persons who 
have signed the remonstrance and who are the following: 

Adrian van der Donk has been about eight years in New 
Netherland. He went there in the service of the proprietors 
of the colony of Renselaerswyck as an officer, but did not long 
continue such, though he lived in that colony till 1646. 

1 Referring to Reverend Johannes Megapolensis, who had been persuaded 
to remain in New Netherland and assume pastoral care of Manhattan; see 
p. 165, supra. 


Arnoldus van Hardenburgh accompanied Hay Jansen to New 
Netherland, in the year 1644, with a cargo for his brother. He 
has never to our knowledge suffered any loss or damage in New 
Netherland, but has known how to charge the commonalty well 
for his goods. 

Augustyn Heermans came on board the Maecht van Enk- 
huysen, 1 being then as he still is, the agent of Gabrie 2 in trading 

Jacob van Couwenhoven came to the country with his father 
in boyhood, was taken by Wouter van Twiller into the service 
of the Company as an assistant, and afterwards became a 
tobacco planter. The Company has aided him with necessaries 
as it is to be seen by the books, but they have been paid for. 

Olof Stevensen, brother-in-law of Go vert Loockmans, went 
out in the year 1637 in the ship Herring as a soldier in the 
service of the Company. He was promoted by Director Kieft 
and finally made commissary of the shop. He has profited in 
the service of the Company, and endeavors to give his bene- 
factor the world's pay, that is, to recompense good with evil. 
He signed under protest, saying that he was obliged to sign, 
which can be understood two ways, one that he was obliged to 
subscribe to the truth, the other that he had been constrained 
by force to do it. If he means the latter, it must be proven. 

Michael Jansen came to New Netherland as a farmer's man 
in the employ of the proprietors of Renselaerswyck. He made 
his fortune in the colony in a few years, but not being able to 
agree with the officers, finally came in the year 1646 to live upon 
the island Manhatans. He would have come here himself, 
but the accounts between him and the colony not being settled, 
in which the proprietors did not consider themselves indebted 
as he claimed, Jan Evertsen came over in his stead. 

Thomas Hall came to the South River in 1635, in the employ 
of an Englishman, named Mr. Horns, being the same who in- 
tended to take Fort Nassau at that time and rob us of the South 
River. This Thomas Hall ran away from his master, came to 
the Manhatans and hired himself as a farmer's man to Jacob 
van Curlur. Becoming a freeman he has made a tobacco 
plantation upon the land of Wouter van Twyler, and he has 

1 " Maid of Enkhuizen." 

3 Peter Gabry and Sons, a noted firm of Amsterdam. 


been also a farm-superintendent; and this W. van Twyler 
knows the fellow. Thomas Hall dwells at present upon a small 
bowery belonging to the Honorable Company. 

Elbert Elbertsen came to the country as a farmer's boy at 
about ten or eleven years of age, in the service of Wouter van 
Twyler, and has never had any property in the country. About 
three years ago he married the widow of Gerret Wolphertsen, 
(brother of the before mentioned Jacob van Couwenhoven,) 
and from that time to this has been indebted to the Company, 
and would be very glad to get rid of paying. 

Govert Loockmans, brother in law of Jacob van Couwen- 
hoven, came to New Netherland in the yacht St. Martin in the 
year 1633 as a cook's mate, and was taken by Wouter van 
Twyler into the service of the Company, in which service he 
profited somewhat. He became a freeman, and finally took 
charge of the trading business for Gilles Verbruggen and his 
company in New Netherland. This Loockmans ought to show 
gratitude to the Company, next to God, for his elevation, and 
not advise its removal from the country. 

Hendrick Kip is a tailor, and has never suffered any in jury 
in New Netherland to our knowledge. 

Jan Evertsen-Bout, formerly an officer of the Company, 
came the last time in the year 1634, with the ship Eendracht 
[Union], in the service of the Honorable Michiel Paauw, and 
lived in Pavonia until the year 1643, and prospered tolerably. 
As the Honorable Company purchased the property of the Heer 
Paauw, the said Jan Evertsen succeeded well in the service of 
the Company, but as his house and barn at Pavonia were burnt 
down in the war, he appears to take that as a cause for com- 
plaint. It is here to be remarked, that the Honorable Com- 
pany, having paid 26,000 guilders for the colony of the Heer 
Paauw, gave to the aforesaid Jan Evertsen, gratis, long after 
his house was burnt, the possession of the land upon which his 
house and farmstead are located, and which yielded good 
grain. The land and a poor unfinished house, with a few 
cattle, Michiel Jansen has bought for eight thousand guilders. 

In brief, these people, to give their doings a gloss, say that 
they are bound by oath and compelled by conscience; but if 
that were the case they would not assail their benefactors, the 
Company and others, and endeavor to deprive them of this 


noble country, by advising their removal, now that it begins 
to be like something, and now that there is a prospect of the 
Company getting its own again. And now that many of the 
inhabitants are themselves in a better condition than ever, 
this is evidently the cause of the ambition of many, etc. 
At the Hague, 29th November, 1650. 



THE chief military exploit of Director Stuyvesant was the 
conquest in 1655 of the Swedish settlements on the Delaware 
River. New Sweden had been founded in 1638 by a party of 
settlers under Peter Minuit, sent out by the Swedish South 
Company, with private help from Dutch merchants. The 
history of this little colony belongs to another volume of this 
series, but some account of its absorption in New Netherland 
should find a place in this. 

At first the Dutch and Swedes on the Delaware, the former 
with their Fort Nassau on the east side, the latter with their 
three forts, Nya Elfsborg on the east side, Christina and Nya 
Goteborg (New Gottenburg) on the west, dwelt together in 
amity. But competition for the Indian trade was keen, con- 
flicting purchases of land from the Indians gave rise to disputes, 
and from the beginning of Stuyvesant's administration there 
was friction. This he greatly increased by proceeding to the 
South River with armed forces, in 1651, and building Fort 
Casimir on the west side of the river, near the present site of 
Newcastle, and uncomfortably near to Fort Christina. In 
1654 a large reinforcement to the Swedish colony came out 
under Johan Rising, who seized Fort Casimir. But the 
serious efforts to strengthen the colony, made by Sweden in 
the last year of Queen Christina and the first year of King 
Charles X., were made too late. The Dutch West India 
Company ordered Director Stuyvesant not only to retake Fort 
Casimir but to expel the Swedish power from the whole river. 
He proceeded to organize in August, 1655, the largest military 
force which had yet been seen in the Atlantic colonies. The 



best Dutch account of what it achieved is presented in transla- 
tion in the following pages; the Swedish side is told by Gov- 
ernor Rising in a report printed in the Collections of the New 
York Historical Society, second series, I. 443-448, and in Penn- 
sylvania Archives, second series, V. 222-229. ' 

Of Johannes Bogaert, author of the following letter, we 
know only that he was a "writer," or clerk. Hans Bonte- 
mantel, to whom the letter was addressed, was a director in the 
Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Company, and a 
schepen (magistrate) of Amsterdam from 1655 to 1672, in 
which last year he took a prominent part in bringing in Will- 
iam III. The letter was first printed in 1858 in De Navorscher 
(the Dutch Notes and Queries), VIII. 185-186. A translation 
by Henry C. Murphy was published the same year in The 
Historical Magazine, II. 258-259, and this, carefully revised 
by the present editor, appears below. For a history of New 
Sweden, see Professor Gregory B. Keen's chapter in Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical History of America, IV. 443-488. 

1 Rising's dates are given according to Old Style, Swedish fashion, Bogaert's 
according to New Style, as customary in the province of Holland. 


Noble and Mighty Sir: 

Mr. Schepen Bontemantel: 

THIS is to advise your Honor of what has occurred since the 
5th of September, 1655, when we sailed with our seven ships, 1 
composed of two yachts called the Hollanse Tuijn (Dutch 
Frontier), the Prinses Royael (Princess Royal), a galiot called 
the Hoop (Hope), mounting four guns, the flyboat Liefde 
(Love), mounting four guns, the yacht Dolphijn (Dolphin), 
vice-admiral, with four guns, the yacht Abrams Offerhande 
(Abraham's Offering), as rear-admiral, mounting four guns; 
and on the 8th arrived before the first Swedish fort, named 
Elsener. 2 This south fort had been abandoned. Our force 
consisted of 317 soldiers, besides a company of sailors. 3 The 
general's 4 company, of which Lieutenant Nuijtingh was cap- 
tain, and Jan Hagel ensign-bearer, was ninety strong. The 
general's second company, of which Dirck Smit was captain, 
and Don Pouwel ensign-bearer, was sixty strong. Nicolaes de 
Silla the marshal's company, of which Lieutenant Pieter Ebel 
was captain, and William van Reijnevelt ensign-bearer, was 
fifty-five strong. Frederick de Koningh the major's company, 
of which Pieter de Coningckx was ensign-bearer, was sixty-two 
strong. The major's second company, which was composed 
of seamen and pilots, with Dirck Jansz Verstraten of Ossanen 

1 Six are named below. The seventh (or first) was the "admiral" or flag-ship 
De Waegh ("The Balance"), on which the writer sailed. The Hoop was a 
French privateer, L'Esperance, which had just arrived at New Amsterdam and 
was engaged for the expedition. 2 Nya Elfsborg. 

8 Rising states the total number of the force as 600 or 700. 

*/. e., Stuyvesant's. In the military organization of that day, one or two 
companies were usually given a primary position as the "general's own" or 
"colonel's own." Of the persons mentioned below, Nicasius de Sille was a 
member of the Council, and De Koningh was the captain of De Waegh. 



as their captain, boatswain's-mate Dirck Claesz of Munniken- 
dam as ensign-bearer, and the sail-maker Jan Illisz of Honsum 
as lieutenant, consisted of fifty men; making altogether 317 
men. The 10th, after breakfast, the fleet got under way, and 
ran close under the guns of Fort Casemier, and anchored about 
a cannon-shot's distance from it. The troops were landed im- 
mediately, and General Stuijvesant dispatched Lieutenant 
Dirck Smit with a drummer and a white flag to the com- 
mandant, named Swen Schoeten, 1 to summon the fort. In the 
meantime we occupied a guard-house about half a cannon-shot 
distant from the fort; and at night placed a company of soldiers 
in it, which had been previously used as a magazine. The llth, 
the commander, Swen Schoeten, sent a flag requesting to speak 
with the general, who consented. They came together, and 
after a conference the said commander surrendered Fort 
Casemier to the general, upon the following conditions: 

First, The commander, whenever he pleases and shall have the 
opportunity, by the arrival of ships belonging to the crown, or private 
ships, shall be permitted to remove from Fort Casemier the guns of 
the crown, large and small : consisting, according to the statement of 
the commander, of four iron guns and five case-shot guns, of which 
four are small and one is large. Second, Twelve men shall march out 
as the body-guard of the commander, fully accoutred, with the flag 
of the crown; the others with their side-arms only. The guns and 
muskets which belong to the crown shall be and remain at the dis- 
position of the commandant, to take or cause them to be taken from 
the fort whenever the commander shall have an opportunity to do so. 
Third, The commander shall have all his private personal effects 
uninjured, in order to take them with him or to have them taken away 
whenever he pleases, and also the effects of all the officers. Fourth, 
The commander shall this day restore into the hands of the General 
Fort Casemier and all the guns, ammunition, materials, and other 
property belonging to the General Chartered West India Company. 
Done, concluded and signed by the contracting parties the llth 
September, 1655, on board the ship De Waegh, lying at Fort Casemier. 
(Signed) Petrus Stuijvesant, Swen Schuts. 2 

The 13th, was taken prisoner the lieutenant of Fort 
Cristpna], with a drummer, it being supposed that he had 

1 Sven Schiite. 

8 This agrees with the official text in N. Y. Col Doc., XII. 102. 


come as a spy upon the army, in consequence of the drummer's 
having no drum. The 14th, the small fleet was again under sail 
with the army for Verdrietige Point, 1 where they were landed. 
The 15th, we arrived at the west of Fort Christina, where we 
formed ourselves into three divisions; the major's company 
and his company of sailors were stationed on the south side of 
the creek, by the yacht Eendraght (Union), where the major 
constructed a battery of three guns, one eight-pounder and two 
six-pounders; the general's company and the field marshal's 
were divided into two. The marshal threw up a battery of 
two twelve-pounders, about northwest of the fort. The gen- 
eral placed a battery about north of the fort, opposite the 
land entrance, one hundred paces, by calculation, from the 
fort, and mounting one eighteen-pounder, one eight-pounder, 
one six-pounder, and one three-pounder. 2 

The 17th, the fly boat Liefde returned to the Manathans 
with the Swedish prisoners. From the 17th to the 23d nothing 
particular happened. Then, when we had everything ready, 
the governor of the fort received a letter from our general, to 
which our general was to have an answer the next day. The 
same day an Indian, whom we had dispatched on the 13th to 
Menades, arrived, bringing news and letters to the effect that 
some Dutch people had been killed at Menades by the Indians; 3 
which caused a feeling of horror through the army, so that the 
general sent a letter immediately to the fort, that he would 
give them no time the next morning. Then the general 
agreed with the Swedish governor to come together in the 
morning and make an arrangement. The general had a tent 
erected between our quarter and their fort, and there an 
agreement was made, whereby the governor, Johan Risingh, 
surrendered the fort on the 24th of September, upon the condi- 
tions mentioned in the accompanying capitulation. 4 On the 

1 On Augustin Hen-man's excellent map of Maryland and Delaware, " Vir- 
drietige Hoeck" (Tedious Point) appears as the name of a promontory about 
where Marcus Hook, Pa., now is. Rising, however, reports the Dutch as 
landing at Tridje Hoeck ("Third Point"), just north of Christina Creek. 

3 For a plan of the siege, derived from that made by the Swedish engineer 
Lindstrb'm, see Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, IV. 480. 

8 A hundred were killed, a hundred and fifty taken prisoners. 

4 N. Y. Col. Doc., XII. 104-106. 


28th of September the general left with the ships and yachts, 
and we were ordered to remain from eight to fourteen days, 
and let the men work daily at Fort Casemier, in the construc- 
tion of ramparts. 1 

The llth of October, Governor Rijsingh and Factor Els- 
wijck, with some Swedes, came on board, whom we carried 
with us to Menades. We ran out to sea for the Menades on 
the 12th, and on the 17th happily arrived within Sandy Hook. 
On the 21st we sailed for the North River, from Staten Island, 
by the watering-place, and saw that all the houses there, and 
about Molyn's house, 2 were burned up by the Indians; and 
we learned here that Johannes van Beeck, with his wife and 
some other people, and the captain of a slave-trader which 
was lying here at anchor with a vessel, having gone on a pleas- 
ure excursion, were attacked by the Indians, who murdered 
Van Beeck and the captain, and took captive his wife and sister. 
We found Van Beeck dead in a canoe, and buried him. His 
wife has got back. The general is doing all that lies in his 
power to redeem the captives and to make peace. Commend- 
ing your Honor, with hearty salutations, to the protection of 
the Most High, that he will bless you and keep you in con- 
tinued health, I remain your Honor's 

Obedient servant, 


Laus Deo, Ship De Waegh (The Balance), 

the 31st October, 1655. 
Hon. Mr. Schepen Bontemantel, 

Director of the Chartered West India 
Company, at Amsterdam. 

1 Fort Casimir was made the seat of Dutch administration on the South River. 
In 1657 it was named New Amstel, and the colony there was taken over by the 
city of Amsterdam. 

8 The house of Cornells Melyn, on Staten Island. 



THE Dutch clergy of the Reformed Church, as has already 
been mentioned in a previous introduction, were men whose 
observations we must value because of their intelligence and 
their acquirements; and they also had a point of view which 
was to a large extent independent of the Director General and 
other civil officials. Hence the series of their reports to the 
Classis of Amsterdam is worthy of much attention. In the 
absence of a continuous narrative of high importance for the 
years from 1655 to 1664 it has been deemed best to make use 
for those years of certain of these clerical letters. 

Of their authors, Domine Megapolensis has been already 
treated, in the introduction to his tract on the Mohawks. He 
remained at New Amsterdam through the period of the English 
conquest, and died there in 1669. The Reverend Samuel 
Drisius (Dries) was born about 1602, of Dutch parents, but 
was throughout his earlier life a pastor in England, until the 
troubles in that country caused him to return to the Nether- 
lands. Since he was able to preach not only in Dutch but also 
in English and even in French, it was natural that the Classis 
should send him out to New Netherland in response to the 
urgent requests made for assistance to Megapolensis, especially 
in dealing with the non-Dutch population at New Amsterdam. 
He began his pastoral service there in 1653, and continued 
throughout the remainder of the period represented by this 
book. In 1669 he is reported as incapacitated by failing 
mental powers, and he died in 1673. Domine Henri cus Selyns 
was examined as a candidate for the ministry in 1657, ordained 
by the Classis in 1660, called to Breukelen and inducted there 



in that year. He returned to Holland in 1664, before the sur- 
render, but came back to New York in 1682 as minister of the 
Collegiate Church, and died there in 1701. 

John Romeyn Brodhead, at the time of his remarkable 
mission to the Netherlands (1841), included in his endeavors a 
search for Dutch ecclesiastical papers bearing on New Nether- 
land. The letters which follow were among those which he 
found in Amsterdam, in the archives of the Classis. In 1842 
they were lent, in 1846 given, by the Classis to the General 
Synod of the Reformed Dutch Church in America. To this 
material large additions were made by a further search carried 
out in 1897-1898, by the Reverend Dr. Edward T. Corwin, 
acting as agent of that church, who is responsible for the trans- 
lations which follow. An account of all this ecclesiastical 
material, under the title "The Amsterdam Correspondence," 
was printed by him in 1897 in the eighth volume of the Papers 
of the American Society of Church History. He edited the 
material for publication in the first volume of the series called 
Ecclesiastical Records, State of New York, published by the 
state in 1901. The letters which follow are taken, with slight 
revision, from various pages (from page 334 to page 562) of 
that volume. 


Rev. Johannes Megapolensis to the Classis of Amsterdam 
(March 18, 1655). 

Reverendissimi Domini, Fratres in Christo, Synergi observandi: 1 
I FEEL it my duty, to answer the letter of your Reverences, 
dated the llth of November, [1654]. 2 

We have cause to be grateful to the Messrs. Directors 3 and 
to your Reverences for the care and trouble taken to procure 
for the Dutch on Long Island a good clergyman, even though 
it has not yet resulted in anything. Meanwhile, God has led 
Domine Joannes Polhemius 4 from Brazil, by way of the Carib- 
bean Islands, to this place. He has for the present gone to 
Long Island, to a village called Midwout, which is somewhat 
the meditullium 5 of the other villages, to wit, Breuckelen, 
Amersfoort and Gravesande. There he has preached for the 
accommodation of the inhabitants on Sundays during the 
winter, and has administered the sacraments, to the satisfac- 
tion of all, as Director Stuyvesant has undoubtedly informed 
the Messrs. Directors. 

As to William Vestiens, who has been schoolmaster and sex- 
ton here, I could neither do much, nor say much, in his favor, 

1 Most Reverend Masters, Brethren in Christ, Venerable Fellow-workers. 
3 Ecclesiastical Records, State of New York, I. 331. 

3 Of the West India Company. 

4 Reverend Johannes Theodoras Polhemus or Polhemius, born about 1598, 
was in early life a minister in the Palatinate. Driven thence by persecutions in 
1635, he was sent to Brazil in 1636 by the Dutch West India Company, and re- 
mained there, minister at Itamarca, till the waning of the company's fortunes 
in that country and the loss of Pernambuco compelled his retirement. In 1654 he 
went thence to New Netherland, and became provisionally minister of Midwout, 
the first Dutch church on Long Island. From 1656 to 1660 he was minister of 
Midwout, Breukelen and Amersfoort, from 1660 to 1664 of Midwout and Amers- 
foort, from 1664 of all three churches again. He died in 1676. 

8 Middle point. Midwout is now Flatbush; Amersfoort is Flatlands. 



to the Council, because for some years past they were not satis- 
fied or pleased with his services. 1 Thereupon when he asked 
for an increase of salary last year, he received the answer, that 
if the service did not suit him, he might ask for his discharge. 
Only lately I have been before the Council on his account, and 
spoken about it, in consequence of your letter, but they told me 
that he had fulfilled his duties only so-so 2 and that he did little 
enough for his salary. 

Some Jews came from Holland last summer, in order to 
trade. Later some Jews came upon the same ship as D: 
Polheymius; 3 they were healthy, but poor. It would have 
been proper, that they should have been supported by their 
own people, but they have been at our charge, so that we have 
had to spend several hundred guilders for their support. They 
came several times to my house, weeping and bemoaning their 
misery. When I directed them to the Jewish merchant, 4 they 
said, that he would not lend them a single stiver. Some more 
have come from Holland this spring. They report that many 
more of the same lot would follow, and then they would build 
here a synagogue. This causes among the congregation here 
a great deal of complaint and murmuring. These people have 
no other God than the Mammon of unrighteousness, and no 
other aim than to get possession of Christian property, and to 
overcome all other merchants by drawing all trade towards 
themselves. Therefore we request your Reverences to obtain 
from the Messrs. Directors, that these godless rascals, who are of 
no benefit to the country, but look at everything for their own 
profit, may be sent away from here. For as we have here 
Papists, Mennonites and Lutherans among the Dutch; also 
many Puritans or Independents, and many atheists and various 
other servants of Baal among the English under this Govern- 

1 Willem Vestiens or Vestens, schoolmaster, of Haarlem, "a good, God- 
fearing man," was sent out in 1650 as schoolmaster, sexton and "comforter of the 
sick." In 1655 he asked to be transferred to the East Indies, and was replaced at 
New Amsterdam by Harmanus van Hoboken. a Taliter qualiter. 

3 Refugees from Brazil, who retired after the capture of Pernambuco by the 
Portuguese, in January, 1654. The number of Jews who settled in New Amster- 
dam became considerable. The West India Company in 1655 repressed all at- 
tempts of Stuyvesant and his Council to expel or oppress them. 

4 Jacob Barsimson seems to have been the one Jewish merchant then 


ment, who conceal themselves under the name of Christians; 
it would create a still greater confusion, if the obstinate and 
immovable Jews came to settle here. 

In closing I commend your Reverences with your families 
to the protection of God, who will bless us and all of you in the 
service of the divine word. 

Your obedient 

Amsterdam in New Netherland the 18th of March, 1655. 

Addressed to the Reverend, Pious and very Learned Deputies 
ad res Ecclesiasticas Indicas, in the Classis of Amsterdam. 

Revs. J. Megapolensis and S. Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam 
(August 5, 1657). 

Reverend, Pious and Learned Gentlemen, Fathers and Brethren 
in Christ Jesus: 

The letters of your Reverences, of the 13th of June 1656, 
and of the 15th of October of the same year have been received. 
We were rejoiced to learn of the fatherly affection and care 
which you show for the welfare of this growing congregation. 
We also learned thereby of the trouble you have taken with the 
Messrs. Directors, to prevent the evils threatened to our con- 
gregation by the creeping in of erroneous spirits; and of your 
Reverences' desire, to be informed of the condition of the 
churches in this country. 

We answered you in the autumn of the year 1656, and ex- 
plained all things in detail. To this we have as yet received 
no reply, and are therefore in doubt, whether our letters reached 
you. This present letter must therefore serve the same end. 

The Lutherans here pretended, last year, that they had 
obtained the consent of the Messrs. Directors, to call a Lu- 
theran pastor from Holland. 1 They therefore requested the 

1 There were Lutherans at Manhattan at the time of Father Jogues's visit 
(1643), and they are called a congregation in 1649. In 1653 they petitioned to 
have a minister of their own and freedom of public worship. Stuyvesant and the 
ministers were disposed to maintain the monopoly of the Reformed (Calvinistic) 
Church. In 1656 he forbade even Lutheran services in private houses; but the 
Company would not sustain this, though they upheld him in sending Gutwasser 
back to Holland in 1659, 


Hon. Director and the Council, that they should have permis- 
sion, meanwhile, to hold their conventicles to prepare the way 
for their expected and coming pastor. Although they began 
to urge this rather saucily, we, nevertheless, animated and 
encouraged by your letters, hoped for the best, yet feared the 
worst, which has indeed come to pass. For although we could 
not have believed that such permission had been given by the 
Directors, there nevertheless arrived here, with the ship Meulen 1 
in July last, a Lutheran preacher Joannes Ernestus Goet water, 2 
to the great joy of the Lutherans, but to the special displeasure 
and uneasiness of the congregation in this place; yea, even the 
whole country, including the English, were displeased. 

We addressed ourselves, therefore, to his Honor the Direc- 
tor-General, the Burgomasters and Schepens of this place, 8 and 
presented the enclosed petition. As a result thereof, the 
Lutheran pastor was summoned before their Honors and asked 
with what intentions he had come here, and what commission 
and credentials he possessed. He answered that he had come 
to serve here as a Lutheran preacher, but that he had no other 
commission than a letter from the Lutheran Consistory at 
Amsterdam to the Lutheran congregation here. He was then 
informed by the Hon. authorities here, that he must abstain 
from all church services, and from the holding of any meetings, 
and not even deliver the letter which he brought from the 
Lutherans at Amsterdam without further orders; but that he 
must regulate himself by the edicts of this province against 
private conventicles. He promised to do this, adding how- 
ever that with the next ships he expected further orders and 
his regular commission. In the meantime, however, we had 
the snake in our bosom. We should have been glad if the 
authorities here had opened that letter of the Lutheran Con- 
sistory, to learn therefrom the secret of his mission, but as yet 
they have not been willing to do this. 

We then demanded that our authorities here should send 
back the Lutheran preacher, who had come without the consent 
of the Messrs. Directors, in the same ship in which he had come, 
in order to put a stop to this work, which they evidently in- 

1 "The Mill." Johann Ernst Gutwasser. 

8 New Amsterdam had received a municipal constitution, of about the type 
usual in the Netherlands, though somewhat less liberal, in 1653. 


tended to prosecute with a hard Lutheran head, in spite of and 
against the will of our magistrates; for we suspect that this 
one has come over to see whether he can pass, and be allowed 
to remain here, and thus to lay the foundation for further 
efforts; but we do not yet know what we can accomplish. 

Domine Gideon Schaats 1 wrote to you last year about the 
congregation at Rensselaerswyck or Beverwyck, as he intends 
to do again. We know nothing otherwise than that the 
congregation there is in a good condition; that it is growing 
vigorously, so that it is almost as strong as we are here at the 
Manhatans. They built last year a handsome parsonage. On 
the South River, matters relating to religion and the church 
have hitherto progressed very unsatisfactorily; first because 
we had there only one little fort, and in it a single commissary, 
with ten to twenty men, all in the Company's service, merely 
for trading with the Indians. Secondly: In the year 1651 
Fort Nassau was abandoned and razed, and another, called 
Fort Casemier, was erected, lower down and nearer to the sea- 
board. This was provided with a stronger garrison, and was 
reinforced by several freemen, who lived near it. 

But the Swedes, increasing there in numbers, troubled and 
annoyed our people daily. After they had taken Fort Casemier 
from us, they annoyed our countrymen so exceedingly, that the 
South River was abandoned by them. However in the year 
1655 our people recovered Fort Casemier, and now it is held 
by a sufficiently strong garrison, including several freemen, who 
also have dwellings about. One was then appointed, to read 
to them on Sundays, from the Postilla. 2 This is continued to 
this day. 3 The Lutheran preacher who was there was re- 
turned to Sweden. 

Two miles from Fort Casemier, up the river, is another fort, 
called Christina. This was also taken by our people, at the 
same time, and the preacher there 4 was sent away, with the 
Swedish garrison. 

But because many Swedes and Finns, at least two hundred, 
live above Fort Christina, two or three leagues further up the 
river, the Swedish governor made a condition in his capitula- 

1 Minister at Rensselaerswyck since 1652. 3 Book of Homilies. 

3 Reverend Peter Hjort, pastor at Fort Trinity. 

4 Reverend Matthias Nertunius. 


tion, that they might retain one Lutheran preacher, 1 to teach 
these people in their language. This was granted then the 
more easily, first, because new troubles had broken out at 
Manhattan with the Indians, and it was desirable to shorten 
proceedings here and return to the Manhattans to put things 
in order there; secondly, because there was no Reformed 
preacher here, nor any who understood their language, to be 
located there. 

This Lutheran preacher is a man of impious and scandalous 
habits, a wild, drunken, unmannerly clown, more inclined to 
look into the wine can than into the Bible. He would prefer 
drinking brandy two hours to preaching one; and when the 
sap is in the wood his hands itch and he wants to fight whomso- 
ever he meets. The commandant at Fort Casimir, Jean Paulus 
Jacquet, brother-in-law of Domine Casparus Carpentier, 2 told 
us that during last spring this preacher was tippling with a 
smith, and while yet over their brandy they came to fisticuffs, 
and beat each other's heads black and blue; yea, that the smith 
tore all the clothing from the preacher's body, so that this 
godly minister escaped in primitive nakedness, and although 
so poorly clothed, yet sought quarrels with others. Sed hoc 
parergicos. 3 

On Long Island there are seven villages belonging to this 
province, of which three, Breuckelen, Amersfoort and Midwout, 4 
are inhabited by Dutch people, who formerly used to come 
here 5 to communion and other services to their great inconven- 
ience. Some had to travel for three hours to reach this place. 
Therefore, when Domine Polheymus arrived here from Brazil, 
they called him as preacher, which the Director-General and 
Council confirmed. 

The four other villages on Long Island, viz., Gravensand, 
Middelburgh, Vlissingen, and Heemstede* are inhabited by 
Englishmen. The people of Gravensand are considered Men- 
nonites. The majority of them reject the baptism of infants, 

1 Reverend Lars Lock or Lokenius, preacher at Tinicum from 1647 to 1688. 
3 Carpentier was a Reformed minister whom the Dutch had established at 
Fort Casimir. Jacquet was vice-director on the South River, 1655-1657. 
3 But this incidentally. 4 Brooklyn, Flatlands and Flatbush. 

5 To New Amsterdam. 

6 Gravesend, Newtown, Flushing and Hempstead. 


the observance of the Sabbath, the office of preacher, and any 
teachers of God's word. They say that thereby all sorts of 
contentions have come into the world. Whenever they meet, 
one or the other reads something to them. At Vlissingen, they 
formerly had a Presbyterian minister * who was in agreement 
with our own church. But at present, many of them have 
become imbued with divers opinions and it is with them quot 
homines tot sententiae. 2 They began to absent themselves from 
the sermon and would not pay the preacher the salary promised 
to him. He was therefore obliged to leave the place and go to 
the English Virginias. They have now been without a preacher 
for several years. Last year a troublesome fellow, a cobbler 
from Rhode Island in New England, 3 came there saying, he had 
a commission from Christ. He began to preach at Vlissingen 
and then went with the people into the river and baptized them. 
When this became known here, the fiscaal went there, brought 
him to this place, and he was banished from the province. 

At Middelburgh, alias Newtown, they are mostly Inde- 
pendents and have a man called Joannes Moor, 4 of the same 
way of thinking, who preaches there, but does not serve the 
sacraments. He says he was licensed in New England to 
preach, but not authorized to administer the sacraments. He 
has thus continued for some years. Some of the inhabitants 
of this village are Presbyterians, but they cannot be supplied 
by a Presbyterian preacher. Indeed, we do not know that 
there are any preachers of this denomination to be found among 
any of the English of New England. 

At Heemstede, about seven leagues from here, there live 
some Independents. There are also many of our own church, 
and some Presbyterians. They have a Presbyterian preacher, 
Richard Denton, 5 a pious, godly and learned man, who is in 
agreement with our church in everything. The Independents 

1 Reverend Francis Doughty. 2 As many opinions as men. 

3 William Wickenden. The schvut of the village was fined fifty pounds for 
allowing him to preach in his house. 

4 John Moore, formerly minister at Hempstead; died this year, 1657. 

5 Reverend Richard Denton (1586-1662), one of the pioneers of Presbyterian- 
ism in America, was a Cambridge man, who came over with Winthrop in 1630, 
and was settled successively at Water town, Wethersfield and Stamford. His dif- 
ferences with the Congregational clergy of New England had led to his with- 
drawal, and since 1644 he had been at Hempstead. 


of the place listen attentively to his sermons; but when he 
began to baptize the children of parents who are not members 
of the church, they rushed out of the church. 

On the west shore of the East River, about one mile beyond 
Hellgate, as we call it, and opposite Flushing, is another Eng- 
lish village, called Oostdorp, which was begun two years ago. 
The inhabitants of this place are also Puritans or Independents. 
Neither have they a preacher, but they hold meetings on 
Sunday, and read a sermon of some English writer, and have 
a prayer. 1 

About eighteen leagues up the North River, half way be- 
tween the Manhattans and Rensselaer or Beverwyck, lies a 
place, called by the Dutch Esopus or Sypous, and by the 
Indians Atharhacton. It is an exceedingly fine country there. 
Thereupon some Dutch families settled there who are doing 
very well. They hold Sunday meetings and then one or the 
other of them reads from the Postilla. 

Such is the condition of the church in our province. To 
this we must add that, as far as we know, not one of all these 
places, Dutch or English, has a schoolmaster, except the Man- 
hattans, Beverwyck, and now also Fort Casimir on the South 
River. 2 And although some parents try to give their children 
some instruction, the success is far from satisfactory, and we 
can expect nothing else than young men of foolish and undis- 
ciplined minds. We see at present no way of improving this 
state of affairs; first, because some of the villages are just 
starting, and have no means, the people having come half 
naked and poor from Holland, to pay a preacher and school- 

1 Oost-dorp ("East Village") is the present Westchester. "After dinner 
[Sunday, December 31, 1656] Cornells van Ruyven went to the house where they 
assemble on Sundays, to observe their mode of worship, as they have not as yet 
any clergyman. There I found a gathering of about fifteen men and ten or twelve 
women. Mr. Baly made a prayer, which being concluded, one Robbert Basset 
read a sermon from a printed book composed and published by an English minis- 
ter in England. After the reading Mr. Baly made another prayer and they sang 
a psalm and separated." (Journal of Brian Newton et als., to Oostdorp, Doc. 
Hist. N. Y., octavo, III. 923.) 

a Harmanus van Hoboken at New Amsterdam, Adriaen Jansz at Beverwyck 
(Albany) , and since April of this year Evert Pietersen at Fort Casimir. Two years 
later (1659) the company sent over Alexander Carolus Curtius, "late professor in 
Lithuania," to be master of a Latin school in New Amsterdam. 


master; secondly, because there are few qualified persons here 
who can or will teach. 

We can say but little of the conversion of the heathens or 
Indians here, and see no way to accomplish it, until they are 
subdued by the numbers and power of our people, and reduced 
to some sort of civilization; and also unless our people set them 
a better example, than they have done heretofore. 

We have had an Indian here with us for about two years. 
He can read and write Dutch very well. We have instructed 
him in the fundamental principles cf our religion, and he an- 
swers publicly in church, and can repeat the Commandments. 
We have given him a Bible, hoping he might do some good 
among the Indians, but it all resulted in nothing. He took 
to drinking brandy, he pawned the Bible, and turned into a 
regular beast, doing more harm than good among the Indians. 

Closing we commend your Reverences to the gracious pro- 
tection of the Almighty, whom we pray to bless you in the 
Sacred Ministry. 

Vestri et officio et effectu* 

Amsterdam, in New Netherland, 

the 5th of August, 1657. 

Revs. Megapolensis and Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam 
(October 25, 1657). 

Brethren in Christ: 

Since our last letter, which we hope you are receiving about 
this time, we have sent in a petition in relation to the Lutheran 
minister, Joannes Ernestus Gutwasser. Having marked this 
on its margin, we have sent it to the Rev. Brethren of the 
Classis. We hope that the Classis will take care that, if possi- 
ble, no other be sent over, as it is easier to send out an enemy 
than afterward to thrust him out. We have the promise that 
the magistrates here will compel him to leave with the ship 
De Wage. It is said that there has been collected for him at 
Fort Orange a hundred beaver skins, which are valued here at 

1 Yours both officially and actually. 


eight hundred guilders, and which is the surest pay in this 
country. What has been collected here, we cannot tell. Our 
magistrates have forbidden him to preach, as he has received 
no authority from the Directors for that purpose. Yet we 
hear that the Hon. Directors at Amsterdam gave him permis- 
sion to come over. We have stated in a previous letter the 
injurious tendency of this with reference to the prosperity of 
our church. 

Lately we have been troubled by others. Some time since, 
a shoemaker, 1 leaving his wife and children, came here and 
preached in conventicles. He was fined, and not being able 
to pay, was sent away. Again a little while ago there arrived 
here a ship with Quakers, as they are called. They went away 
to New England, or more particularly, to Rhode Island, a place 
of errorists and enthusiasts. It is called by the English them- 
selves the latrina 2 of New England. They left several behind 
them here, who labored to create excitement and tumult 
among the people particularly two women, the one about 
twenty, and the other about twenty-eight. 3 These were quite 
outrageous. After being examined and placed in prison, they 
were sent away. Subsequently a young man at Hempstead, 
an English town under the government, aged about twenty- 
three or twenty-four years, 4 was arrested, and brought thence, 
seven leagues. He had pursued a similar course and brought 
several under his influence. The magistrate, in order to repress 
the evil in the beginning, after he had kept him in confinement 
for several days, adjudged that he should either pay one hun- 
dred guilders or work at the wheelbarrow two years with the 

1 William Wickenden, of Rhode Island; see p. 397. 2 Sink. 

* Dorothy Waugh, afterward whipped at Boston, and Mary Wetherhead. 

4 Robert Hodgson, who had come on the same ship with the preceding. A 
contemporary Quaker writer attributes his release to the intercession of Stuyve- 
sant's sister, Mrs. Anna Bayard. Persecution of Quakers and other sectaries in 
New Netherland was continued by Stuyvesant, and finally culminated in the case 
of John Bowne, of Flushing, a Quaker, who has left us an interesting account of his 
sufferings, printed in the American Historical Record, I. 4-8. Banished from the 
province and transported to Holland, Bowne laid his case before the directors of 
the West India Company, who reproved Stuyvesant by a letter in which they said 
(April 16, 1663) : "The consciences of men ought to remain free and unshackled. 
. . . This maxim of moderation has always been the guide of the magistrates in 
this city; and the consequence has been that people have flocked from every land 
to this asylum. Tread thus in their steps, and we doubt not you will be blessed." 


negroes. This he obstinately refused to do, though whipped 
on his back. After two or three days he was whipped in private 
on his bare back, with threats that the whipping would be re- 
peated again after two or three days, if he should refuse to 
labor. Upon this a letter was brought by an unknown mes- 
senger from a person unknown to the Director-General. The 
import of this, (written in English), was, Thhik, my Lord- 
Director, whether it be not best to send him to Rhode Island, 
as his labor is hardly worth the cost. 

Since the arrival of De Wage from the South River [the 
Director?] has again written to Joannes Ernestus Gutwasser to 
go away. On this he presented a petition, a copy of which is 
herewith transmitted, as also a copy signed by several of the 
Lutheran denomination. We observe that it is signed by the 
least respectable of that body, and that the most influential 
among them were unwilling to trouble themselves with it. 
Some assert that he has brought with him authority from the 
West India Company to act as minister. Whether dismission 
and return will take place without trouble remains to be 

We are at this time in great want of English ministers. It 
is more than two years since Mr. Doughty, of Flushing which 
is a town here, went to Virginia, where he is now a preacher. 
He left because he was not well supported. On October 13, 
Mr. Moore, of Middelburg, which is another town here, died of 
a pestilential disease, which prevailed in several of our English 
towns and in New England. He left a widow with seven or 
eight children. A year before, being dissatisfied with the 
meagre and irregular payments from his hearers, he went to 
Barbadoes, to seek another place. Mr. Richard Denton, who 
is sound in faith, of a friendly disposition, and beloved by all, 
cannot be induced by us to remain, although we have earnestly 
tried to do this in various ways. He first went to Virginia to 
seek a situation, complaining of lack of salary, and that he was 
getting in debt, but he has returned thence. He is now fully 
resolved to go to old England, because his wife, who is sickly, 
will not go without him, and there is need of their going there, 
on account of a legacy of four hundred pounds sterling, lately 
left by a deceased friend, and which they cannot obtain except 
by their personal presence. At Gravesend there never has 


been a minister. Other settlements, yet in their infancy, as 
Aernem, 1 have no minister. It is therefore to be feared that 
errorists and fanatics may find opportunity to gain strength. 
We therefore request you, Rev. Brethren, to solicit the Hon. 
Directors of the West India Company, to send over one or two 
English preachers, and that directions may be given to the 
magistracy that the money paid by the English be paid to the 
magistrate, and not to the preacher, which gives rise to dis- 
satisfaction, and that at the proper time any existing deficiency 
may be supplied by the Hon. Directors. Otherwise we do not 
see how the towns will be able to obtain ministers, or if they 
obtain them, how they will be able to retain them. Com- 
plaints continually reach us about the payment of ministers. 
Nevertheless in New England there are few places without a 
preacher, although there are many towns, stretching for more 
than one hundred leagues along the coast. Hoping that by 
God's blessing and your care something may be effected in this 
matter, we remain, 

Your friends and fellow laborers, 

Manhattans, SAMUEL DRISIUS. 

Oct. 22, 1657. 

Rev. Brethren: 

Since the writing of the above letter, and before sealing it, 
we have learned from the Hon. Directors and the fiscaal, that 
Joannes Ernestus Gutwasser is not to be found, that his bed- 
ding and books were two days ago removed, and that he has left 
our jurisdiction. Still it is our opinion that he remains con- 
cealed here, in order to write home, and make his appearance 
as if out of the Fatherland ; and to persevere with the Luther- 
ans in his efforts. We therefore hope and pray that you may, 
if possible, take measures to prevent this. 
Oct. 25, 1657. SAMUEL DRISIUS. 

To the Rev. Learned, etc., 
the Deputies ad res Indicas 
of the Classis of Amsterdam. 

1 Amhem was a village begun on Smith's Island in Newtown Creek. 


Rev. J. Megapolensis to the Classis of Amsterdam (September 

28, 1658). 

Rdi. Patres et Fratres in Christo : l 

In a preceding letter of September 24, 1658, 2 mention was 
made of a Jesuit who came to this place, Manhattans, overland, 
from Canada. I shall now explain the matter more fully, for 
your better understanding of it. It happened in the year 1642, 
when I was minister in the colony of Rensselaerswyck, that our 
Indians in the neighborhood, who are generally called Maquaas, 
but who call themselves Kajingehaga, were at war with the 
Canadian or French Indians, who are called by our Indians 
Adyranthaka. Among the prisoners whom our Indians had 
taken from the French, was this Jesuit, 3 whom they according 
to their custom had handled severely. When he was brought 
to us, his left thumb and several fingers on both hands had been 
cut off, either wholly or in part, and the nails of the remaining 
fingers had been chewed off. As this Jesuit had been held in 
captivity by them for some time, they consented that he should 
go among the Dutch, but only when accompanied by some of 
them. At last the Indians resolved to burn him. Concerning 
this he came to me with grievous complaint. We advised him 
that next time the Indians were asleep, he should run away and 
come to us, and we would protect and secure him, and send 
him by ship to France. This was done. After concealing him 
and entertaining him for six weeks, we sent him to the Manhat- 
tans and thence to England and France, as he was a Frenchman, 
born at Paris. 4 

Afterward this same Jesuit came again from France to 
Canada. As our Indians had made peace with the French, he 
again left Canada, and took up his residence among the 
Mohawks. He indulged in the largest expectations of convert- 
ing them to popery, but the Mohawks with their hatchets put 
him to a violent death. They then brought and presented to 
me his missal and breviary together with his underclothing, 

1 Reverend Fathers and Brothers in Christ. 

8 Ecclesiastical Records, State of New York, I. 432-434. 

3 Father Jogues; see pp. 235-254, supra. 

4 Father Jogues was born in Orleans. 


shirts and coat. When I said to them that I would not have 
thought that they would have killed this Frenchman, they 
answered, that the Jesuits did not consider the fact, that their 
people (the French) were always planning to kill the Dutch. 

In the year 1644 our Indians again took captive a Jesuit, 1 
who had been treated in the same manner as to his hands and 
fingers as the above mentioned. The Jesuit was brought to us 
naked, with his maimed and bloody fingers. We clothed him, 
placed him under the care of our surgeon, and he almost daily 
fed at my table. This Jesuit, a native of Rouen, 2 was ransomed 
by us from the Indians, and we sent him by ship to France. 
He also returned again from France to Canada. He wrote me 
a letter, as the previously mentioned one had done, thanking 
me for the benefits I had conferred on him. He stated also 
that he had not argued, when with me, on the subject of re- 
ligion, yet he had felt deeply interested in me on account of my 
favors to him ; that he was anxious for the life of my soul, and 
admonished me to come again into the Papal Church from 
which I had separated myself. In each case I returned such a 
reply that a second letter was never sent me. 

The French have now for some time been at peace with our 
Indians. In consequence thereof, it has happened that several 
Jesuits have again gone among our Indians, who are located 
about four or five days' journey from Fort Orange. But they 
did not permanently locate themselves there. All returned to 
Canada except one, named Simon Le Moyne. He has several 
times accompanied the Indians out of their own country, and 
visited Fort Orange. At length he came here to the Manhat- 
tans, doubtless at the invitation of Papists living here, espe- 
cially for the sake of the French privateers, who are Papists, 
and have arrived here with a good prize. 

He represented that he had heard the other Jesuits speak 
much of me, who had also highly praised me for the favors and 
benefits I had shown them; that he therefore could not, while 
present here, neglect personally to pay his respects to me, and 
thank me for the kindness extended to their Society. 1. He 
told me that during his residence among our Indians he had 
discovered a salt spring, situated fully one hundred leagues 
from the sea; and the water was so salt that he had himself 

1 Father Giuseppe Bressani (1612-1672). a Of Rome, in fact. 


boiled excellent salt from it. 1 2. There was also another spring 
which furnished oil. Oleaginous matter floated on its surface, 
with which the Indians anointed their heads. 3. There was 
another spring of hot sulphurous water. If paper and dry 
materials were thrown into it, they became ignited. Whether 
all this is true, or a mere Jesuit lie, I will not decide. I mention 
the whole on the responsibility and authority of the Jesuit. 

He told me that he had lived about twenty years among the 
Indians. When he was asked what fruit had resulted from his 
labors, and whether he had taught the Indians anything more 
than to make the sign of the cross, and such like superstitions, 
he answered that he was not inclined to debate with me, but 
wanted only to chat. He spent eight days here, and examined 
everything in our midst. He then liberally dispensed his in- 
dulgences, for he said to the Papists (in the hearing of one of 
our people who understood French), that they need not go to 
Rome; that he had as full power from the Pope to forgive their 
sins, as if they were to go to Rome. He then returned and 
resided in the country of the Mohawks the whole winter. In 
the spring, however, troubles began to arise again between our 
Indians and the Canadians. He then packed up his baggage, 
and returned to Canada. On his journey, when at Fort 
Orange, he did not forget me, but sent me three documents: 
the first, on the succession of the Popes; the second, on the 
Councils; and the third was about heresies, all written out by 
himself. He sent with them also, a letter to me, in which he 
exhorted me to peruse carefully these documents, and meditate 
on them, and that Christ hanging on the Cross was still ready 
to receive me, if penitent. I answered him by the letter here- 
with forwarded, which was sent by a yacht going from here to 
the river St. Lawrence in New France. 2 I know not whether I 
shall receive an answer. 

Valete, Domini Fratres, V ester ex oflwio, 3 

1 Father Le Moyne made this discovery while sojourning among the Onon- 
dagas in 1654. 

2 One of the fruits of Father Le Moyne's visit to New Netherland was that 
the Dutch obtained from the governor of Canada permission to carry on trade, 
except the fur trade, on the St. Lawrence. 

8 Farewell, brethren; yours officially. 


Rev. Henricus Selyns to the Classis of Amsterdam (October 

4, 1660). 

Reverend, Wise and Pious Teachers: 

We cannot be so forgetful as to omit to inform you concern- 
ing our churches and services. While at sea, we did not neglect 
religious worship, but every morning and evening we besought 
God's guidance and protection, with prayer and the singing of 
a psalm. On Sundays and feast-days the Holy Gospel was 
read, when possible. The sacrament was not administered on 
shipboard, and we had no sick people during the voyage. 
God's favor brought us all here in safety and health. Arrived 
in New Netherland, we were first heard at the Manhattans; 
but the peace-negotiations at the Esopus, 1 where we also went, 
and the general business of the government necessarily de- 
layed our installation until now. We have preached here at 
the Esopus, also at Fort Orange; during this time of waiting 
we were well provided with food and lodging. Esopus needs 
more people, but Breuckelen more money; wherefore I serve 
on Sundays, in the evenings only, at the General's bouwery, 2 
at his expense. The installation at Brooklyn was made by the 
Honorable Nicasius de Sille, fiscaal, 3 and Martin Kriegers, 
burgomaster, 4 with an open commission from his Honor the 
Director-General. 5 I was cordially received by the magis- 
trates and consistory, and greeted by Domine Polhemius. 
We do not preach in a church, but in a barn ; next winter we 
shall by God's favor and the general assistance of the people 
erect a church. 

The audience is passably large, coming from Middelwout, 
New Amersfort, and often Gravesande increases it; but most 

1 The Indians of Esopus had broken out in hostilities in the autumn of 1659. 
The next summer Stuyvesant went there, after some defeats of the tribe, and made 
peace formally, July 15, 1660. A congregation had lately been formed there, which 
called Domine Harmanus Blom to be its pastor. 

2 Stuyvesant's Bowery, or farm, acquired by him in 1651, lay in the present 
region of Third Avenue and Tenth Street. Near the present site of St. Mark's 
Church he built a chapel for his family, his negro slaves, some forty in number, and 
the other inhabitants of the neighborhood. 

3 Of New Netherland. 4 Of New Amsterdam. 
5 For this letter of induction, see Ecclesiastical Records, I. 480. 


come from the Manhattans. The Ferry, the Walebacht, 
and Guyanes, 1 all belong to Breuckelen. The Ferry is about two 
thousand paces from Breuckelen, and it is about four thousand 
paces across the river, or to the Manhattans, from the Breuck- 
elen Ferry. I found at Breuckelen one elder, two deacons, 
twenty four members, thirty one householders, and one hundred 
and thirty-four people. The consistory will remain for the 
present as it is. In due time we will have more material and 
we will know the congregation better. Cathechizing will not 
be held here before the winter; but we will begin it at the 
Bouwery at once, either on week days, or when there is no 
preaching service there. It will be most suitable to administer 
the Lord's Supper on Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide and in 
September. On the day following these festival-days a thanks- 
giving sermon will be preached. I might have taken up my 
residence at the Manhattans, because of its convenience; but 
my people, all of them evincing their love and affection for me, 
have provided me a dwelling of which I cannot complain. I 
preach at Breuckelen in the morning; but at the Bouwery at 
the end of the catechetical sermon. The Bouwery is a place 
of relaxation and pleasure, whither people go from the Man- 
hattans, for the evening service. There are there forty 
negroes, from the region of the Negro Coast, besides the house- 
hold families. There is here as yet no consistory, but the 
deacons from New Amsterdam provisionally receive the alms ; 
and at least one deacon, if not an elder, ought to be chosen 
there. Besides myself, there are in New Netherland the 
Domines Joannes Megapolensis and Samuel Drisius at New 
Amsterdam; Domine Gideon Schaats at Fort Orange; Do- 
mine Joannes Polhemius at Middelwout and New Amersfort; 
and Domine Hermanus Blom at the Esopus. I have nothing 
more to add, except to express my sincere gratitude and to 
make my respectful acknowledgments. I commend your 
Reverences, wise and pious teachers, to God's protection, and 
am, Yours humbly, 

HENRICUS SELYNS, Minister of the 

Holy Gospel at Breuckelen. 
From Amsterdam, on 
the. Manhattans, Oct. 4, 1660. 

1 Wallabout and Gowanus. 


Rev. Henricus Selyns to the Classis of Amsterdam (June 9, 1664). 

Very Reverend, Pious and Learned Brethren in Christ: 

With Christian salutations of grace and peace, this is to 
inform you, that with proper submission, we take the liberty 
of reporting to the Very Rev. Classis the condition and welfare 
of the Church of Jesus Christ, to which your Reverences called 
me, as well as my request and friendly prayer for an honorable 

As for me, your Rev. Assembly sent me to the congregation 
at Breuckelen to preach the Gospel there, and administer the 
sacraments. This we have done to the best of our ability; and 
according to the size of the place with a considerable increase of 
members. There were only a few members there on my 
arrival; but these have with God's help and grace increased 

Trusting that it would not displease your Reverences, and 
would also be very profitable to the Church of Christ, we found 
it easy to do what might seem troublesome ; for we have also 
taken charge of the congregation at the General's Bouwery in 
the evening, as we have told you before. An exception to 
this arrangement is made in regard to the administration of the 
Lord's Supper. As it is not customary with your Reverences 
to administer it in the evening, we thought, after conference 
with our Reverend Brethren of the New Amsterdam congrega- 
tion, and mature deliberation, that it would be more edifying 
to preach at the Bouwery, on such occasions, in the morning, 
and then have the communion, after the Christian custom 
of our Fatherland. 

As to baptisms, the negroes occasionally request that we 
should baptize their children, but we have refused to do so, 
partly on account of their lack of knowledge and of faith, and 
partly because of the worldly and perverse aims on the part of 
said negroes. They wanted nothing else than to deliver their 
children from bodily slavery, without striving for piety and 
Christian virtues. Nevertheless when it was seemly to do so, 
we have, to the best of our ability, taken much trouble in 
private and public catechizing. This has borne but little fruit 
among the elder people who have no faculty of comprehension; 


but there is some hope for the youth who have improved 
reasonably well. Not to administer baptism among them for 
the reasons given, is also the custom among our colleagues. 1 
But the most important thing is, that the Father of Grace and 
God of Peace has blessed our two congregations with quietness 
and harmony, out of the treasury of his graciousness; so that 
we have had no reason to complain to the Rev. Classis, which 
takes such things, however, in good part; or to trouble you, 
as we might have anticipated. 

Meanwhile, the stipulated number of years, pledged to the 
West India Company, is diminishing; although the obligation 
we owe to them who recommended us 2 naturally continues. 
Also, on account of their old age, we would love to see again 
our parents, and therefore we desire to return home. On 
revolving the matter in my mind, and not to be lacking in filial 
duty, I felt it to be proper to refer the subject to God and my 
greatly beloved parents who call for me, whether I should re- 
main or return home at the expiration of my contract. 

As we understand, they are, next to myself, most anxious 
for my return, and have received my discharge from the Hon. 
Directors, and have notified the Deputies ad Causas Indicas 
thereof, which has pleased us. We trust that we shall receive 
also from your Reverences a favorable reply, relying upon your 
usual kindness. Yet it is far from us to seem to pass by your 
Reverences, and give the least cause for dissatisfaction. I 
have endeavored to deserve the favor of the Rev. Classis by 
the most arduous services for the welfare of Christ's church, 
and am always ready to serve your Reverences. 

It is my purpose when I return home, when my stipulated 
time is fulfilled, to give a verbal account of my ministry here, 

1 The enslaving of Africans having at first been justified on the ground of their 
heathenism, the notion that to baptize them would make it unlawful to hold them 
in bondage was frequent among owners in the seventeenth century, and operated 
to deter them from permitting the Christianizing of their slaves. " I may not for- 
get a resolution which his Ma 1 ^ [James II. ] made, and had a little before enter'd 
upon it at the Council Board, at Windsor or Whitehall, that the Negroes in the 
Plantations should all be baptiz'd, exceedingly declaiming against that impiety of 
their masters prohibiting it, out of a mistaken opinion that they would be ipso 
facto free; but his Ma^ persists in his resolution to have them christen'd, w ch 
piety the Bishop [Ken] blessed him for." Evelyn, Diary, II. 479 (1685). 

2 The classis. 


and the state of the church, that you may be assured that any 
omissions in duty have been through ignorance. 

Domine Samuel Megapolensis l has safely arrived, but 
Domine Warnerus Hadson, 2 whom you had sent as preacher 
to the South River, died on the passage over. It is very neces- 
sary to supply his place, partly on account of the children who 
have not been baptized since the death of Domine Wely, 3 and 
partly on account of the abominable sentiments of various 
persons there, who speak very disrespectfully of the Holy 

In addition there is among the Swedes a certain Lutheran 
preacher, who does not lead a Christian life. 4 There is also 
another person, who has exchanged the Lutheran pulpit for 
a schoolmaster's place. This undoubtedly has done great dam- 
age among the sheep, who have so long wandered about without 
a shepherd except the forementioned pastor, who leads such 
an unchristian life. God grant that no damage be done to 
Christ's church, and that your Reverences may provide a 
blessed instrument for good. 

In view of the deplorable condition of New Netherland, for 
the savages have killed, wounded and captured some of our 
people, and have burnt several houses at the Esopus, and the 
English, with flying banners, have declared our village and the 
whole of Long Island to belong to the King: 5 therefore the first 

1 Reverend Samuel Megapolensis, born in 1634, studied three years at Har- 
vard College and three at the University of Utrecht. In 1662 he was called by the 
classis of Amsterdam to the ministry in New Netherland, and ordained by them. 
In 1664, having meanwhile studied medicine at Leyden, he went out to New 
Netherland, and was minister of Breukelen from that time to 1669, when he re- 
turned to Holland. He died in 1700 as pastor emeritus of the Scottish church at 
Dordrecht. 2 Elsewhere called Hassingh. 

3 Reverend Everardus Welius, minister of New Amstel from 1657 to 1659, 
died in the latter year, leaving without pastor a church of sixty members. 

4 Lokenius's wife ran away from him, and he too hastily married another 
before obtaining his divorce. The person next alluded to is probably Abelius 
Selskoorn, a student, who for a time had conducted divine service at Sandhook 
(Fort Casimir). 

5 The boundaries between New England and New Netherland had always 
been in dispute (see the introduction to the next section but one). The English 
population on Long Island grew, and encroached upon the Dutch towns at the 
west end; and the towns in that region which were partly English, partly Dutch in 
population were of doubtful allegiance. The graceless Major John Scott, coming 


Wednesday of each month since last July has been observed 
as a day of fasting and prayer, in order to ask God for his 
fatherly compassion and pity. The good God, praise be to him, 
has brought about everything for the best, by the arrival of the 
last ships. The English are quiet, the savages peaceful; our 
lamentations have been turned into songs of praise, and the 
monthly day of fasting into a day of thanksgiving. Thus 
we spent last Wednesday, the last of the days of prayer. 
Blessed be God who causes wars to cease to the ends of the 
earth, and breaks the bow and spear asunder. Herewith, 
Very Reverend, Pious, and Learned Brethren in Christ, be 
commended to God for the perfecting of the saints and the 
edification of the body of Christ. Vale. 

Your Reverences' humble servant in 
Breuckelen, in Christ Jesus, 

New Netherland, HENRICUS SELYNS. 

June 9, 1664. 

[The following account of the English encroachments upon 
Long Island has not been previously translated. It may serve 
as a summary of the events, or at least of the version of them 
which came before the Dutch public soon after. It is derived 
from the Hollantze Mercurius of 1664 (Haerlem, 1665), being 
part 15 of the Mercurius, which was an annual of the type of the 
modern Annual Register or of Wassenaer's Historisch Verhael, 
which preceded it. The passage is at page 10. 

In New Netherland the English made bold to come out of New 
England upon various villages and places belonging under the pro- 
tection of Their High Mightinesses and the Dutch West India Com- 
pany even upon Long Island, setting up the banner of Britain and 
proclaiming that they knew of no New Netherland but that that land 
belonged solely to the English nation. Finally their wisest conceded, 
since thus many troubles had arisen about the boundary, that repre- 
sentatives of both nations should come together upon that subject. 

to the island with some royal authority, formed a combination of Hempstead, 
Gravesend, Flushing, Newtown, Jamaica and Oyster Bay, with himself as 
president, and then proceeded (January, 1664), at the head of 170 men, to reduce 
the neighboring Dutch villages. Some account of the affair, in the shape in which 
it reached the Dutch public, may be seen in the extract printed at the end of this 


This was carried out in November last. The Dutch commissioners 
went to Boston, where they were received by four companies of 
citizens and a hundred cavalrymen. There they were told that the 
commissioners on the English side could not arrive to treat of the 
matter for eight days. 1 Meanwhile the English incited three or four 
villages to revolt against their government. But all those that were 
of divided population, like those of Heemstede and Gravesande, 
refused to accept the English king but said that they had thus far been 
well ruled by Their High Mightinesses and would so remain, though 
they were English born. Afterward Heemstede was also subdued 
but Vlissingen held itself faithful, and some places remained neutral, 
while the commissioners were detained and finally came again to 
Amsterdam without having accomplished anything. Meanwhile also 
the savages of Esopus played their part, having made bold at a place 
on the river to attack two Dutchmen and cut off their heads.] 2 

Rev. Samuel Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam (August 5, 


The Peace of Christ. 

Reverend, Learned and Beloved Brethren in Christ Jesus: 

I find a letter from the Rev. Classis 3 which I have not yet 
answered; and a good opportunity now offering itself by the 
departure of our colleague, Domine Henricus Selyns, I cannot 
omit to write a letter to your Reverences. We could have 

1 The journalist here confounds Stuyvesant's visit to Boston in September, 
1663, to meet the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, with 
that which his envoys, Van Ruyven, Van Cortlandt and Lawrence, made to Hart- 
ford in October, to confer with the General Assembly of Connecticut. His date 
of November is wrong for both. The attempt to revolutionize the English villages 
on Long Island had taken place in September; their internal revolt occurred in 
November. Stuyvesant was obliged to acquiesce. The "Combination" of the 
English towns under the presidency of Major John Scott, and his attempt to win 
the Dutch towns from their allegiance, took place in January and February, 1664. 
Stuyvesant was again unable to make effectual resistance, out made a truce with 
Scott for twelve months. 

1 After three years of peace at Esopus, the Indians again broke out in hostilities 
in June, 1663, resulting in the slaughter of twenty-one settlers and the captivity of 
forty-five others. Three successive expeditions, under Burgomaster Martin Kre- 
gier, in July, September and October, destroyed the forts of the Indians, broke 
down their resistance, and released most of the captives. Captain Kregier's 
journal of these expeditions is printed in O'Callaghan's Documentary History, 
IV. 45-98. 


wished, that Domine Selyns had longer continued with us, both 
on account of his diligence and success in preaching and 
catechizing, and of his humble and edifying life. By this he 
has attracted a great many people, and even some of the 
negroes, so that many are sorry for his departure. But con- 
sidering the fact that he owes filial obedience to his aged par- 
ents, it is God's will that he should leave us. We must be 
resigned, therefore, while we commit him to God and the word 
of His grace. 

Concerning the places in which he has preached, especially 
the village called Breuckelen, and the Bouwerie, nothing has 
been decided yet; but I think that the son of Domine Mega- 
polensis, who has recently come over, will take charge of them, 
as he has not been sent by the Directors to any particular place. 

The French on Staten Island would also like to have a 
preacher, but as they number only a few families, are very poor, 
and cannot contribute much to a preacher's salary, and as our 
support here is slow and small, there is not much hope, that 
they will receive the light. In the meantime, that they may 
not be wholly destitute, Director Stuyvesant has, at their 
request, allowed me to go over there every two months, to 
preach and administer the Lord's Supper. This I have now 
done for about a year. In the winter this is very difficult, for 
it is a long stretch of water, and it is sometimes windy, with a 
heavy sea. We have, according to the decision of the Classis, 
admitted the Mennonist, who is quite unknown to us, to the 
communion, without rebaptism; l but last week he and his wife 
removed to Curasao in the West Indies, to live there. The 
preacher, sent to New Amstel on the South River, died on the 
way, as we are told. Ziperius left for Virginia long ago. 2 He 
behaved most shamefully here, drinking, cheating and forging 
other people's writings, so that he was forbidden not only to 
preach, but even to keep school. Closing herewith I commend 

1 In a letter of October 4, 1660, Drisius had consulted the classis on the 
question whether a well-behaved young man residing in New Amsterdam, formerly 
one of the Mennonites and baptized by them, might be admitted to the Lord's 
Supper without rebaptism. The classis, by letter of December 16, 1661, ruled that 
according to the practice of the Dutch churches, his Mennonite baptism was to be 
regarded as sufficient. 

2 Michael Ziperius and his wife came from Cura9ao in 1659, hoping to receive 
a call in New Netherland. The classis warned Drisius against him. 


the Rev. Brethren to God's protection and blessing in their 
work. This is the prayer of 

Your Reverences' dutiful friend in Christ, 
New Amsterdam, SAMUEL DRISIUS. 

August 5, Anno 1664. 

The Rev. Samuel Drisius to the Classis of Amsterdam (Sep- 
tember 15, 1664). 1 

To the Reverend, Learned and Pious Brethren of the Rev. Classis 
of Amsterdam : 

I cannot refrain from informing you of our present situation, 
namely, that we have been brought under the government of 
the King of England. On the 26th of August there arrived in 
the Bay of the North River, near Staten Island, four great men- 
of-war, or frigates, well manned with sailors and soldiers. 
They were provided with a patent or commission from the 
King of Great Britain to demand and take possession of this 
province, in the name of His Majesty. If this could not be 
done in an amicable way, they were to attack the place, and 
everything was to be thrown open for the English soldiers to 
plunder, rob and pillage. We were not a little troubled by the 
arrival of these frigates. 

Our Director-General and Council, with the municipal 
authorities of the city, took the matter much to heart and 
zealously sought, by messages between them and General 
Richard Nicolls, to delay the decision. They asked that the 
whole business should be referred to His Majesty of England, 
and the Lords States General of the Netherlands; but every 
effort was fruitless. They landed their soldiers about two 
leagues from here, at Gravezandt, and marched them over 
Long Island to the Ferry opposite this place. The frigates 
came up under full sail on the 4th of September with guns 
trained to one side. They had orders, and intended, if any 
resistance was shown to them, to give a full broadside on this 
open place, then take it by assault, and make it a scene of 
pillage and bloodshed. 

Our Hon. rulers of the Company, and the municipal 
authorities of the city, were inclined to defend the place, but 

1 There is another translation of this letter in N. 7. Cd. Doc., XIII. 393-394, 


found that it was impossible, for the city was not in a defensible 
condition. 1 And even if fortified, it could not have been de- 
fended, because every man posted on the circuit of it would 
have been four rods distant from his neighbor. Besides, the 
store of powder in the fort, as well as in the city, was small. 
No relief or assistance could be expected, while daily great 
numbers on foot and on horseback, from New England, joined 
the English, hotly bent upon plundering the place. Savages 
and privateers also offered their services against us. Six hun- 
dred Northern Indians with one hundred and fifty French 
privateers, had even an English commission. Therefore upon 
the earnest request of our citizens and other inhabitants, our 
authorities found themselves compelled to come to terms, for 
the sake of avoiding bloodshed and pillage. The negotiations 
were concluded on the 6th of September. 2 The English moved 
in on the 8th, according to agreement. 

After the surrender of the place several Englishmen, who 
had lived here a long time and were our friends, came to us, 
and said that God had signally overruled matters, that the 
affair had been arranged by negotiations; else nothing but 
pillage, bloodshed and general ruin would have followed. 
This was confirmed by several soldiers who said that they had 
come here from England hoping for booty; but that now, 
since the matter turned out so differently, they desired to 
return to England. 

The Articles of Surrender stipulate that our religious ser- 
vices and doctrines, together with the preachers, shall remain 
and continue unchanged. Therefore we could not separate 
ourselves from our congregation and hearers, but consider it 
our duty to remain with them for some time yet, that they 
may not scatter and run wild. 

The Hon. Company still owes me a considerable sum, which 
I hope and wish they would pay. Closing herewith I recommend 
your Honors' persons and work to God's blessing and remain, 
Your willing colleague, SAMUEL DRISIUS. 
Manhattan, September 15, 1664. 

1 See the remonstrance which the inhabitants addressed to Stuyvesant, N. Y. 
Col. Doc., II. 248; and Stuyvesant's defence, the last piece in this volume. 

2 Articles of capitulation, ibid., 250-253, and Brodhead, History of New 
York, I. 762-763. 




THE following piece was found by the editor's friend, Miss 
Frances G. Davenport, in the papers of the Royal Society of 
London, Guard Book No. 7, part 1, and is here printed by per- 
mission of the secretaries of that society. How it came into 
their archives is not known. The manuscript, two pages folio, 
bears no evidence concerning its origin. A photograph, sub- 
mitted to friends of the editor who have exceptional familiarity 
with the handwritings of New-Englanders of the time when the 
document was penned, has not thus far shown its authorship. 
It must therefore be taken for what it is. It is topographical 
rather than narrative, yet as it has never been printed before it 
has been thought worth while to include it in this volume as 
giving a picture of New Amsterdam, with a sketch of the rest 
of New Netherland, as it appeared to the eyes of the English 
just before they conquered it. As a plain description of this 
sort, it has value and interest. 

It may, indeed, be of much more importance than this. Mr. 
J. H. Innes, who has been so kind as to examine it, and whose 
authority stands exceedingly high, thinks that it lends very 
strong support to the view, that the English seizure of New 
Netherland did not take place without an interior impulse. 
He derives from internal evidence the opinion that the docu- 
ment is not the work of a native Englishman, or at any rate of 
one brought up to the language, but of a foreigner having a 
good but not a perfect knowledge of English. The editor, 
feeling more doubtful as to these deductions, contents himself 
with mentioning them. It is also possible, in view of the inti- 
mate connection of the younger Governor John Winthrop with 



the Royal Society in its earliest days, that this description of 
Manhattan may have come into the archives of the society 
through his means. Commissioned as agent in England to pro- 
cure a charter for Connecticut, in this very year 1661, Win- 
throp, accompanied by Reverend Samuel Stone, of Hartford, 
went to New Amsterdam to take ship, and sailed thence in the 
Dutch ship De Trouw. It is true that he sailed in July, and 
that the heading of the description reads, "as it was in Sept: 
1661." But De Trouw seems to have reached Holland about 
the middle of September, and some member of the governor's 
party may have written the description in London, as of the 
month in which he wrote; that it was written either by 
Winthrop or by Stone is made unlikely, apart from hand- 
writing, by the nature of its contents, which betray neither 
political nor ecclesiastical interests. 

The striking similarity between the title of this piece and 
that of the map in the British Museum which is reproduced 
on the ensuing page, and the possibility of connection between 
the two, have been spoken of in the prefatory note to this 
volume. The reader will find it interesting to compare map 
and description. 



Description of the Towne of Mannadens in New Netherland, 
as it was in Sept : 1661. 

THE Easter-side of the Towne is from the North-East gate 
unto the point, whereon the Governors new house l stands, 
and yt contains 490 yards, and lyeth Southwest and North- 
east, one from the other. Between the gate and point the 
ground falls a litle out and in. On this side of the towne there 
is a gutte, whereby at high water boats goe into the towne. 2 
Also on this side stands the Stat-house, 3 before w ch is built a 
half moon of stone, where are mounted 3 smal bras guns, tho 
it be large enough to mount 8 guns on it : they then said they 
would build 2 halfe moons more between yt and the North- 
east gate. Between this side and Long iland all ships usually 
ly at anchor, to lade and unlade goods, secure from hurt of 
any wind and weather. From the towne right over unto long 
island it is f of a mile, being an arme of the Sea between them, 
that embraceth long iland from the maine land, afording a 
navigable passage each way unto the Sea, for good ships, 
frequented much by New Engl'd men, Hollanders and others. 

*The so-called "Whitehall," built at the southernmost point of the island. 
The north-east gate was the water-gate at the east end of the palisade which de- 
fended the town on the north; it stood near the foot of modern Wall Street. 

1 The canal (running north nearly to Beaver Street), which in Dutch fashion 
the town had in 1657-1659 constructed in Broad Street, and which drained the 
swamp known as the Vly. 

* The Stadhuis or town hall. It was a large stone building, erected in 1641 by 
Kieft as a town tavern (see p. 212, supra), and used as such till 1654, when the new 
municipal government obtained the grant of it for a town hall. Its site is marked 
by the corner of Coenties Alley and Pearl Street. A picture of it, derived from a 
drawing made in 1680 by the Labadists Dankers and Sluyter, may be seen in 
Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, III. 419. 



The Souther-side or roundhead of the Town * is bounded 
with the arm of the Sea, as it were dividing the bay and arme 
of the Sea, turning part of the indraught of water by the wester- 
side of the Towne into Hudson river, and part by the Easter- 
side of the towne, between the maine and long iland. Nearest 
the westerside of this head is a plot of ground a litle higher 
than the other ground, on w ch stands a windmill; 2 and a Fort 
foursquare, 100 yards on each side, at each corner flanked out 
26 yards. In the midst of the East and westside is a gate op- 
posit to the other; 3 the walls are built with lime and stone, 
and within filled up with Earth to a considerable breadth for 
planting guns, whereon are mounted 16. guns. In this Fort 
is the Church, the Governors house, and houses for soldiers, 
ammunition, etc. 

The wester-side of the towne is from the windmill unto the 
Northwest corner 4 480 yards, and lyeth neer North-north-east 
and South-southwest, bounded with the Arme of the Sea, that 
stretches itself into Hudsons river, by the Hollanders calld the 
North river. From the town unto the other side its 3 miles 
broad, and a fit road for ship'g to ride. The said river goes 
far into the land N. E. ward. About 40 leagues up this river on 
the river side they have a towne calld Forterain, 5 in compas as 
big as Manados but not so much built nor so populous. This 
towne afford their chief trade for beaver-skins, otterskins, 
muskins," Dear-skins, etc. None but their owne people may 
goe there to trade, except they have purchased the burgership 
of Manados for 50 gild. 7 Between Fortrain and Manados is a 
Fort, with soldiers in it, and a smal town of 60. Dutch families, 
calld Soppase, 8 but is something from the river; there they 
plant corne etc. and have some trade for beaver and other 

1 The region of the Battery. * On the present site of Battery Park. 

1 Mr. J. H. Innes informs the editor that this is an error; the gates were upon 
the north and south. 

4 1. e., to the point where the palisade erected in 1653, on the line of Wall 
Street prolonged westward, reached the North River. 

8 A corruption of the Dutch "Fort Oranie," Fort Orange. 

8 Muskrat skins. 

7 Great and small burgher-right were established in 1657, after Amsterdam 
example. For the former, which alone qualified for office, one paid fifty guilders 
per annum. Esopus. 


The land side of the towne is from the Northwest corner 
unto the North E. gate 520 yards and lyeth neer N. W. and S. E. 
having six flankers 1 at equal distance, in four of w ch are mounted 
8 guns. 

Within the towne, in the midway between the N. W. 
corner and N. E. gate, the ground hath a smal descent on each 
side much alike, and so continues through the town unto the 
arme of the water on the Easter-side of the Towne: by the 
help of this descent they have made a gut almost through the 
towne, 2 keyed it on both sides with timber and boards as far in 
as the 3. small bridges; and near the coming into the gut they 
have built two firme timber bridges with railes on each side. 3 
At low water the gut is dry, at high water boats come into it, 
passing under the 2. bridges, and go as far as the 3 small 
bridges. In the contry stand houses in several places. 

The bay between Long iland and the maine below the towne 
and Southwest of Nut iland within the heads 4 is 6. mile broad, 
and from the towne unto the heads tis 8. mile, and beares one 
from the other S. S. W. and N. N. E. 

The town lyeth about 40. deg. lat. hath good air, and is 
healthy, inhabited with severall sorts of trades men and 
marchants and mariners, whereby it has much trade, of beaver, 
otter, musk, and other skins from the indians and from the 
other towns in the River and Contry inhabitants thereabouts. 
For payment give wampen and Peage 5 mony of the indians 
making, w h they receave of them for linnen cloth and other 
manufactures brought from Holland. 

From Long iland they have beef, pork, wheat, butter, some 
tobacco, wampen and peage. From New England beef, sheep, 
wheat, flower, bisket, malt, fish, butter, cider-apples, iron, tar, 
wampen and peage. 

From Virginia, store of tobacco, oxhides, dried, some beef, 
pork and fruit, and for payment give Holland and other linnen, 
canvage, 6 tape, thrid, cordage, brasse, Hading cloth, stuffs, 
stockings, spices, fruit, all sorts of iron work, wine, Brandy, 
Annis, salt, and all usefull manufactures. 

1 /. e., bastions. Five are shown in the map of 1661. 
8 The canal in Broad Street, as above. 3 At the present Bridge Street. 
4 The Hoof den or headlands of Bay Ridge and Staten Island north of the 
Narrows, * Wampumpeag, wampum. Canvas, no doubt. 


The town is seated between New England and Virginia, 
commodiously for trades, and that is their chief employment 
for they plant and sow litle. 

From Amsterdam come each year 7. or 8. big ships with 
passengers and all sorts of goods, and they lade back beaver 
and other skins, dry oxehides, and Virginia tobacco. Tis said 
that each year is carried from thence above 20000 sterl. value 
in beaver skins only. 

The Governor of Manados and New Netherland (so called 
by the Hollanders) is called Peter Stazan ; l he exerciseth 
authority from thence southward (towards Virginia) as far as 
Dillow-bay 2 being about 40 leagues. The Suedes had planta- 
tions in Dillow-bay formerly; but of late years the Hollanders 
went there, dismissed the Suedes, seated themselves there, have 
trade for beaver, etc. He exercises also authority Eastwards 
towards New England unto West Chester, w n is about 20 
miles and inhabited by English, Also on Long iland inhabitants 
as far as Osterbay, 3 (being further eastward on the iland side 
than West Chester is on the maine) being about one quarter 
part of the iland. The said iland is in length 120 miles east and 
west, between 40 and 41 deg. lat., a good land and healthy. 
The other part of the said iland Eastward from Osterbay is 
under the authority of New England Colonies, as it stretches 
itself on their coast. The Christian inhabitants are most of 
them English. 

1 Stuyvesant. * Delaware Bay. 

In 1662 both West Chester and Oyster Bay were annexed by Connecticut. 



THE charter of the Dutch West India Company had 
granted rights of commerce and settlement throughout the 
whole coast of America and the west coast of Africa, but had 
not specifically mentioned New Netherland or any other place 
for colonization. Therefore the Dutch claim to New Nether- 
land rested rather on prior discovery and occupation than on 
any specific grant of territory. But prior discovery and occu- 
pation were in the seventeenth century deemed the best bases 
for claims to territory populated by the heathen. England 
could advance no better claim to the region at the mouth of 
the Hudson River than such as could be founded on the parch- 
ment of 1606, whereby James I. had given the Virginia Com- 
panies general rights of settlement anywhere on the Atlantic 
Coast between the thirty-fourth and the forty-fifth parallels. 
Yet as early as 1621, when England had no settlement between 
New Plymouth and Cape Charles, the English court began a 
series of remonstrances to the Dutch government, continued 
from time to time throughout the whole history of New 
Netherland, in which it represented that settlement as an un- 
lawful intrusion on territory which by undoubted right be- 
longed to the King of Great Britain. 

Assertions so ill founded might of themselves have had lit- 
tle effect. But, unfortunately for New Netherland, there 
flowed into New England an abundant population, vigorous, 
self-confident, and bent on agricultural occupation of territory. 
New Netherland, on the other hand, grew but slowly. The 
Dutch West India Company had by its charter, indeed, been 
permitted to populate its colonial territories. A careful read- 



ing of the document shows that it had not been enjoined to do 
so, as many historical writers have asserted. But its mind was 
bent on commercial gains rather than on agricultural develop- 
ment, and the same continued to be true of most of the settlers 
in the province. Under these circumstances New Netherland, 
whatever its formal rights, was no match for New England. 
The people of the latter hardly needed the advice which the 
English ambassador at the Hague gave them, that they should 
"not forbear to put forward their plantations, and crowd 
on crowding the Dutch out of those places where they have 
occupied." Their ultimate victory was as inevitable as, in 
later times, the American occupation of Texas. 

The whole colony of New Haven, and much of the area of 
Connecticut colony, lay on soil originally claimed and partly 
occupied by the Dutch. The directors-general of New Nether- 
land, as we have seen, finally acquiesced in the formation of 
those colonies, and recognized their existence even as New Eng- 
land governments recognized that of New Netherland. But 
there were frequent disputes as to boundaries, and all attempts 
to settle them were made difficult by the fact that on one side 
of the line lay a population rapidly expanding and eager for new 
lands, and on the other side one far smaller and more stationary. 
The difficulty was increased, especially on Long Island, by the 
fact that many Englishmen, in the first instances impelled 
by New England persecution, in others by the prospect of 
economic gain, settled well within the Dutch jurisdiction and 
even in the Dutch towns. Stuyvesant favored them per- 
haps they were more congenial to his severe and puritanical 
mind than the lax cosmopolitan society by which he was im- 
mediately surrounded; but it could never be certain how far 
one could rely upon them in case of conflict with the English 
colonies to the eastward, from which they had come. 

In 1650 Stuyvesant, proceeding in state to Hartford, con- 
cluded, after negotiations with the Commissioners of the 


United Colonies of New England, a treaty defining the boun- 
dary between his province and the colonies of New Haven and 
Connecticut. On Long Island the line was to run from the 
westernmost part of Oyster Bay straight across to the sea. 
On the mainland it was to begin at the west side of Greenwich 
Bay, and then to run northward twenty miles up into the 
country; above this it was undefined. The Dutch were to 
retain the lands in Hartford which they were still actually 
occupying. In America both parties observed the treaty for 
some years as a modus vivendi, but it was not ratified by the 
States General until 1656, and never by England. 

From the Restoration of Charles II. in 1660, the English 
government began to take a new view of its colonial possessions 
and of the possibility of bringing them under a unified and 
systematic administration. Now that the Dutch had ab- 
sorbed New Sweden, it was natural to reflect that the absorp- 
tion of New Netherland by England would give her an un- 
broken dominion along the whole Atlantic coast, from Nova 
Scotia to Florida. In 1662 Connecticut obtained from the 
King a charter which not only permitted her to swallow up New 
Haven, but assigned to her, in terms which ignored the very 
existence of New Netherland, a territory running indefinitely 
southward from the south bounds of Massachusetts, and 
extending from Narragansett Bay on the east to the South 
Sea (Pacific Ocean) on the west. Forthwith Connecticut pro- 
claimed her jurisdiction over Greenwich and West Chester on 
the mainland, and over Jamaica, Flushing, Gravesend, Hemp- 
stead and Middelburg (Newtown) on Long Island. Captain 
John Talcott was sent with armed men in July, 1663, to enforce 
her claim to West Chester, an agent of his proceeded on similar 
errands to the towns on the island, and many of their inhab- 
itants joined in a petition to the general assembly of Connecti- 
cut, praying that that colony would cast over them "the skirts 
of its government and protection," 


It was under these circumstances that Stuyvesant, having 
without success visited Boston in September to confer with the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies and remonstrate against 
violations of the Hartford treaty of 1650, appointed, on October 
13, 1663, the three commissioners whose narrative is printed 
in the following pages, and charged them to proceed to Hart- 
ford and seek redress or explanations from the offending 
colony. The General Court (assembly) of Connecticut was to 
meet on October 8, old style, October 18, new style. Cornelis 
van Ruyven was the secretary of the province of New Nether- 
land, and had held that office since 1653. He was the son-in- 
law of Domine Megapolensis, having married Hillegond Mega- 
polensis, his daughter. Oloff Stevensz van Cortlant had been 
one of the Eight Men in 1645, one of the Nine Men in 1649- 
1652. Some comments on him, by the unfriendly hand of 
Van Tienhoven, may be seen on a previous page (p. 375). He 
was now one of the burgomasters of New Amsterdam, a position 
which he occupied most of the time from 1655 to 1664; and he 
became one of the aldermen under the English rule. John 
Lawrence was an Englishman, one of the founders of Flushing 
in 1645, and its town-clerk from 1648 to 1657, but in the ap- 
pointment he is designated as " merchant," of New Amsterdam- 
He was afterward an alderman, was mayor of the city several 
times, and at the time of his death, in 1699, was a judge of the 
Supreme Court of New York. 

The journal will show how they fared in their embassy. Its 
ineffectual conclusion is indicated by the following vote of the 
General Court of Connecticut: "This Court doth leave the 
determination of the business respecting entertainm* of the 
plantations on Long Island, and the difference between us and 
the Dutch, with the Councill." * 

The document which follows is preserved in the archives of 
the state of New York at Albany, where it is designated as 

1 Colonial Records of Connecticut, I. 413. 


"New York Colonial Manuscripts, vol. 15, p. 69." A transla- 
tion of it was first printed in 1794, in Ebenezer Hazard's His- 
torical Collections, II. 623-633. It is also printed in Documents 
relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, II. 
385-392. By the kindness of Mr. A. J, F. van Laer, archivist 
of the state, a corrected translation has been supplied for this 


Journal kept by the Commissioners Cornells van Ruyven, Burgo- 
master van Cortlant and Mr. John Laurence, Burgher and 
Inhabitant of the Town of New Amsterdam, during their 
Journey to Hartford. 

Anno 1663, 15 th October, being Monday. 

WE departed, with the rising of the sun, in Dirck Smith's 
sloop. Though the wind was contrary, we arrived with that 
tide at Hog's Island, and, as in consequence of the strong ebb 
we could not make much progress by rowing, we cast anchor 
and went on shore, while the crew took in some ballast. When 
the ebb was passed we weighed anchor, passed Hellegat 
[Hellgate] at low water, and arrived, by tacking and rowing, 
near Minnewits Island, 1 where we stopped. 

16th. We weighed anchor before day-break; the wind 
remaining contrary, stopped during the tide, near Oyster Bay. 
In the afternoon, the wind being somewhat more favorable, 
we discovered Straetforts [Stratford] point, but the wind shift- 
ing again and the tide being gone, we cast anchor. 

17th. In the morning, before day-break, with a strong tide, 
we again set sail, the wind ahead ; however, by force of rowing 
and tacking, we arrived at Milfort between eight and nine 
o'clock. We directly called on Mr. Bryan, 2 a merchant in that 
place, requesting him to procure us three horses to ride to 
Herfort [Hartford], which he promised to do. He said that he 
proposed to go thither himself. Meanwhile, we visited the 
magistrates, Mr. Treat and Mr. Fenn, 3 but we did not find 

1 Apparently Manussing Island, on the coast of Rye, New York. 

1 Ensign Alexander Bryan, of Milford. 

3 Robert Treat and Benjamin Fenn. Both were magistrates ("assistants") 

of the New Haven colony, but the process of absorption of that colony into Con- 



either of them at home. Mr. Treat visited us afterwards at 
the tavern. After salutation, we communicated to him the 
cause of our arrival [there] and [intended] departure for Hart- 
ford, and requested him to take charge of our sloop, which we 
left in the harbor, till we returned, so that some vagabonds, 
who, we were informed, were there roving about, might 
not cause us any damage. This he consented to. We recom- 
mended the same to young Mr. Bryan. Meanwhile, we were 
informed that two horses only could be obtained, unless a 
young man who had arrived there from Hartford would hire 
his horse. The young man being called, we agreed to hire his 
horse at fourteen English shillings, but when he was to give the 
horse he hesitated. We inquired why? as we agreed together 
unconditionally. He could not at first be persuaded to disclose 
his mind; at last he said he apprehended that his folks at 
Hartford would find fault with him for assisting us, who were 
not their friends. The magistrates present at this conversation 
were very much dissatisfied, telling him that he must deliver 
his horse, in conformity to the agreement, which he at last, 
though reluctantly, did. After dinner, as soon as the horses 
were ready, we rode on towards Nieuhaeven [New Haven], 
where we arrived about an hour or two before sunset. The 
horses being attended, we went to pay our respects to Mr. 
Gilbert, the deputy governor, 1 but he was not at home; we 
tarried that night at New Haven. 

18th. Thursday. Started from New Haven at the rising 
of the sun, in company of Mr. Bryan, merchant at Milfort 
[Milford], and Mr. Pell ; 2 arrived, we suppose about four o'clock, 
at Hartford. Understanding that the Governor and Court 3 
were assembled, we resolved, in order not to lose any time, to 
inform the Court without delay of our arrival, and solicit at the 
same time an audience. This being performed, we received 
for answer, that we might appear, if it pleased us, either now 

necticut was now actively going on. Connecticut, acting under her new charter, no 
longer recognized as magistrates the officials of the New Haven government; but 
they were still locally regarded as such. 

1 Matthew Gilbert, the last deputy-governor of the New Haven colony. 

a Doubtless Thomas Pell, of Fairfield, the proprietor of Pelham Manor. 

3 The general assembly or legislature of Connecticut was called the General 


or to-morrow morning. We requested that we might do it 
without further delay, which was consented to. After friendly 
welcome we delivered our letters. When these were read, we 
added that if the Governor and Court desired any further ex- 
planation, we were ready to give it either to the entire Court, 
or to a committee, to which proposition no other answer was 
made than that they would examine the letters. Having 
recommended the matter seriously to their attention, we took 
our leave, when we were informed by Major Mason, the deputy 
governor, 1 that a room was prepared for us at the house of their 
marshal, where we were requested to take our lodgings, which 
we gratefully accepted. 

19#&. Early in the morning, before the Court met, we paid 
our respects to the Hon. John Wintrop [Winthrop], and re- 
quested him to contribute his most strenuous exertions for the 
removal of all misunderstandings and the continuance of peace 
and harmony, which he promised to do. Whereupon we desired 
to be informed what had taken place after we delivered our 
letter. He said he did not know exactly, as he left the meeting 
a little while after us, being indisposed; but he was confident 
that the Court had appointed a committee to enter into 
negotiation with us. 2 As we could learn nothing to the pur- 
pose from his Honor, and the time of the meeting of the Court 
was approaching, we took our leave, and presented the follow- 
ing request to that body: 

To the Honorable, the Governor and Court of Hartford Colony. 

The purport of these few lines is merely to thank you for our 
amicable reception, and the acceptance of the letters which we de- 
livered, soliciting now to be favored with a categorical answer there- 
to, so that we may know in what manner we ought to regulate our 
conduct. In the meanwhile remaining, etc. 

1 John Mason, the conqueror of the Pequots, was now deputy-governor, John 
Winthrop the younger being governor. 

2 "This Court desires and appoyntes Mr. Mathew Allyn, Capt Talcott, Lnt 
Clark, as a Comitty to treat with the Gent n come from the Manhatoes about the 
matters in controversie between this Corporation and the Dutch at Manhatoes, and 
in case Mr Clark comes not down to the Court, the Secretary to supply Mr Clarkes 
place." Colonial Records of Connecticut, I. 410. Accordingly the committee 
consisted of Matthew Allyn, John Talcott and John Allyn the secretary, all mem- 
bers of the council. 


Which being carried in, we were told by the marshal that 
three persons were appointed to speak further with us, who 
would meet within an hour at the house of Mr. Howart Muller 
[Howard, the Miller], 1 being about half-way between our lodg- 
ings and the town hall, with request that we should also be 
there at that time, to which we agreed and went there at the 
hour appointed. After waiting there about an hour in vain, 
the marshal came and told us, that the committee had been 
hindered by some other business intervening from waiting 
on us, and as it was almost noon, that the Governor and Court 
begged the favor of us to dine with them in the town hall; to 
which we answered, that it appeared strange to us that the 
gentlemen of the committee excused themselves as they had 
appointed the time; that nevertheless we should come where 
we were invited. In a short time thereafter the deputy 
governor and secretary came to excuse the committee, as some 
business had happened wherein their presence was required, 
which [excuse] we accepted. After some discourse, we went 
with them to the town hall. After dinner, we desired that our 
business might be forwarded, upon which the persons who 
were appointed as a committee promised to follow us immedi- 
ately to the aforesaid place, as they did. After some discourse 
little to the purpose, and being seated, we showed our com- 
mission, with request that they would do the same, upon which 
they delivered in an extract, as they said, out of their minutes, 
in which they, to wit: Allyne, Senior, Captain Talcot, John 
Allyne, Junior, were qualified to treat with us, adding that the 
showing a commission was superfluous, as we had been in- 
' formed, ourselves, by the Court that they were appointed for 
that purpose, upon which we let that matter drop, and asked 
whether they would be pleased to make answer to the proposi- 
tions contained in the letter we had delivered, to which they 
replied: That they would like to know briefly what the 
propositions were to which we required an answer. We said, 
that they were briefly contained in the aforesaid letter (to wit) : 

First. That we desired to know whether they would be 
pleased to conform themselves to the advice of the Commis- 

1 "Att a publiqe Towne meeteinge at Hartford December the 4th [16J61 
Eobt Howard the miller was Admitted inhabitant of the Towne of Hartford." 
Hartford Town Votes, p. 136. 


sioners of the other three colonies, containing in substance that 
everything with respect to the limits should remain as was 
agreed upon in the year 1650, till the next meeting of the 
Commissioners, in the year 1664. 

Secondly. Or else, that they would be pleased to appoint 
some persons to treat farther about the limits now in dispute. 

Thirdly. If not, that the matters should then be referred 
to our respective superiors in Europe, on condition that every- 
thing should meanwhile remain as was agreed to in the year 
1650. Many debates, pro and con, arose on the aforesaid 
points, so that the whole afternoon was spent without effecting 
anything. The result substantially was, 

To the first: That they could not conform themselves to 
the advice of the aforesaid Commissioners for the following 

First. That they had already given notice, to the English 
on Long Island, of their patent and of the King's grant. 

Secondly. That the same, at least the greater part of them, 
had voluntarily betaken themselves under their government. 

Thirdly. That they neither could nor dared refuse them 
(if they would not incur the King's displeasure), as the same 
were included in their patent, to which they further added that, 
though the fixing of the limits should be deferred to the next 
meeting of the Commissioners, in the year 1664, they were not 
to regulate themselves by the advice of the Commissioners 
nor of the other colonies, but by the King's patent; and, in 
case the Commissioners should do anything contrary to it, 
that they would much rather separate themselves from the 
other colonies, as they would never permit anything to be 
done contrary to it, or any change made in it, except by His 
Majesty himself, as those who would make any such change or 
alteration in it, would put themselves above and lord it over 
His Majesty. 

What we alleged against this: that His Majesty's meaning 
was not to give anything away which had already been so long 
possessed by others; also, that it could not be proved out of 
the patent, etc., was in vain; they persisted in their groundless 

To the second point they made no direct answer, only pro- 
posed, by way of question, Whether the General had sufficient 


qualification from the Prince of Orange and the States General. 
To which we answered, that the commission of the States 
General sufficiently qualified the General for that purpose, and 
dropped that point; and proceeded 

To the third. To which they answered, that they were 
willing that matters should be referred to our mutual superiors, 
on condition that the English towns on Long Island and 
Westchester should, provisionally, be under the government 
of Hartford. This being thus proposed, old Mr. Alyn made a 
long harangue to this effect: That he was well assured that 
the English towns would no longer remain under the Dutch 
government, and in case we should compel them, that they 
were resolved to band themselves together and to risk life and 
property in then- defense; that he was therefore of opinion that 
it would be more to our advantage, to prevent farther mischief 
and bloodshed, that the said towns should remain under the 
government of Hartford till such time as His Majesty and the 
States General should agree otherwise (to wit), those who had 
voluntarily submitted themselves to their government. 

To which we answered: That it would not now nor ever 
be allowed. They replied, that for the present they could 
then not act any further with us, nor hinder the aforesaid towns 
from betaking themselves under the obedience of His Majesty. 
We answered, that they were the cause of it, since they had, 
by different deputations, encouraged and excited the towns 
to it. They replied, that they were bound to make the King's 
grant known to them. We answered, that they might do it 
to the King's subjects, but not to Their High Mightinesses and 
the Company's subjects. To which they again replied, that 
they were subjects of His Majesty, as they dwelt according to 
the patent upon his Majesty's territories. Upon which propo- 
sition we asked them, In what light they looked upon the 
provisional settlement of the limits in the year 1650? They 
answered, absolutely as a nullity and of no force, as His Majesty 
had now settled the limits for them, the other being done only 
provisionally, etc. Whereupon we again appealed to the 
advice of the other colonies, to which was answered: That 
they (to wit, the other colonies) could make no alteration unless 
they assumed to themselves greater authority than that of 
the King; saying, that they had, in that respect, nothing to do 


with the other colonies. The time being spent with many such 
like propositions and answers without effecting anything, we 
concluded, from all these circumstances, that the acts of 
Ritchard Mils * [Richard Mills] at Westchester, of Coo [Coe], 
Pantom and others on Long Island, were committed and exe- 
cuted at their instigation, and that they now only sought to put 
a spoke in the wheel, and to keep matters in agitation till such 
time as the towns (whose deputies, namely, of Westchester, 
Middelborgh and Rustdorp, we daily saw here before our eyes, 
having free access to the principal men) revolted; as they 
openly declared that, in case the towns who had freely betaken 
themselves under their government and protection should ask 
assistance, they neither could nor might deny it them. All 
these matters being duly considered by us, and moreover that if 
we should depart without settling anything the English towns 
on Long Island would apparently have revolted before our 
arrival at the Manhatans; to prevent this and the danger 
which might ensue therefrom, and to show that we would 
contribute, as much as possible, to prevent bloodshed, we 
resolved to make the following proposal as the last: To wit, 

That if they would firmly and faithfully keep the provisional 
settlement of the limits made in the year 1650, till such time 
as His Majesty and the High and Mighty Lords the States- 
General were agreed about the limits, and would not presume 
to take any of the English settlements belonging to this govern- 
ment under their protection, nor assume to themselves any 
jurisdiction over the same, we, on our part, would, in like 
manner, till that time, assume no jurisdiction over Oostdurp, 
otherwise called Westchester, to which we added: That if 
they would not acquiesce in this our proposal (having now con- 
tributed all possible means in our power to preserve peace and 
unity), we declared ourselves and our constituents innocent, 
before God and man, of all the calamities which should arise 
from their unjust proceedings. After a few debates, little to 
the purpose, it being now late in the evening, they said, they 
would take until to-morrow morning to consider the proposal, 
and took leave. 

1 Richard Mills had been the ringleader of revolt against Dutch authority at 
West Chester, John Coe at Middelburg, Richard Panton at Rustdorp (Jamaica) 
and Midwout. 


20 October. Between nine and ten o'clock, according to 
appointment, the abovementioned gentlemen of the committee 
came to our lodgings. We went with them to the aforesaid 
place at the house of Mr. Houwert [Howard]. After some intro- 
ductory discourse, we asked them whether they had considered 
our proposal, and what their answer was to it. After some 
frivolous exceptions, that the English on Long Island would 
not stand under us, and that if we should compel them to 
obedience, it would be the cause of much bloodshed, they 
expressly said that they could not agree with us unless the 
English towns, viz., Oostdurp, Middelborch, Rustdorp and 
Heemsteede were under their government ; if we would comply 
with this, they would defer the matter, and not proceed further 
till another convention, but that we, in the meantime, should 
not in the least interfere nor exercise any right or jurisdiction 
over them, and if we could not, that they also could not hinder 
the aforesaid towns (being by His Majesty of England included 
in their patent) from betaking themselves under their protec- 
tion, and consequently that they should be obliged to defend 
them, in case they were attacked. We answered hereunto: 
That we attributed to his Majesty more discretion than to 
include in their patent the subjects of Their High Mightinesses, 
and the lands which they had possessed for so many years; 
that such was an erroneous interpretation; that the patent 
contained a tract of land lying in America, in New England, 
and consequently not in New Netherland; that Governor 
Wintrop had declared, in the hearing of us all, that it must be 
so understood ; and that it must be understood in this case like 
the Boston patent, 1 in which it is expressly said : On condition 
that the lands shall not have been previously possessed by any 
prince or state. Long Island being now so many years pos- 
sessed by the subjects of Their High Mightinesses, the English 
therefore could not claim any right or title to it. In short, 
what amicable proposals and inducements soever we made use 
of, we could not proceed any further with them. In the 
meantime, it being dinner time, we were again invited to dine 
at the town hall with the Governor and the gentlemen of the 
committee, which we did. After dinner, we complained to the 
Governor and members that we did not advance in our business 

1 That of Massachusetts Bay. 


with the committee on account of their unreasonable and un- 
justifiable demands; such as giving up the English towns, etc. 
We desired therefore that they would be pleased to answer the 
letter delivered them and the neighborly and friendly proposi- 
tions contained in it, which they promised to do, but nothing 
was concluded upon this afternoon, as it was Saturday, and 
some of the members were obliged, before dusk, to go to 
Windsor and Wetherfield [Wethersfield]. 

21 ditto. Sunday. Went to church and supped in the even- 
ing with the Governor. After supper, being in discourse 
with his Honor, among other things, he frankly declared: 
that the intent of the grantor of the patent was by no means to 
claim any right to New Netherland, but that it only compre- 
hended a tract of land in New England, etc. We begged the 
favor of his Honor to indulge us with such declaration in writ- 
ing, that we might avail ourselves of it; but he declined, saying 
that it was sufficiently plain from the patent itself. We said 
that a different construction was put on it by others, and that 
such declaration would give much light; but as we observed 
that the Governor adhered to his first saying and was not in- 
clined thereto after some more discourse, we took leave. 

22 ditto. Monday. We desired by the marshal an answer in 
writing to the letter we delivered and the propositions contained 
in it, which was promised us. We dined with one Mr. Wels, 
whose father had been Governor of Hartford. 1 Nothing was 
done this day, as we expected the promised answer, but did not 
receive it. 

23 ditto. Tuesday morning. We were told that the afore- 
said committee would meet us at Mr. Howard's. We went there. 
The aforesaid committee being also come, we demanded an 
answer in writing to the propositions contained in the delivered 
letter. They said that they were come once more to speak 
with us about the aforesaid towns, as they had endeavored to 
persuade the deputies of those towns to remain quiet under our 
government till farther determination, but that these would 
not consent to it. That it would therefore be best for us not 
to claim them, in order to prevent farther mischief. We 
answered that those of Hartford were the cause of it, as they 
had, by frequent deputations, drawn the subjects of Their 

1 Thomas Welles had been governor of Connecticut in 1655 and 1658. 


High Mightinesses from their oath and allegiance, and had 
encouraged them to revolt, etc. They did not deny it, but 
said: It is so now, and we would fain have them remain quiet, 
but what can we do now that they are included in our patent, 
and desire to be received and protected by us, which we cannot 
deny them ? Much was said against this; that they were not 
included in the patent; that the patent mentioned a tract of 
land in New England and not in New Netherland; that the 
Governor so understood it himself. They answered, the 
Governor is but one man. We and more besides us understand 
it so that our patent not only takes them in, but extends north- 
ward to the Boston line and westward to the sea, unless 
another royal patent intervene. We asked them where New 
Netherland then lay? They answered without hesitation: 
They knew of no New Netherland, unless a patent for it from 
His Majesty could be produced. We said, that we had no need 
of a patent from His Majesty. They replied, that they were 
willing to agree with us if we could show a patent from any 
prince or from Their High Mightinesses, by which such a tract 
of land was given. We appealed to the charter and to the 
approval of Their High Mightinesses of the provisional settle- 
ment of the limits made with Hartford in the year 1650. They 
answered, that the charter is only a commercial charter, and 
the said settlement of the limits was only conditional, etc. If 
you can't show a special patent for the land, it must fall to us. 
We said, that the right of Their High Mightinesses was indis- 
putable, as appears by first discovery purchase from the 
natives earliest possession, etc. They answered, that they 
would let us keep as much as was actually possessed and 
occupied by our nation, but that we could not hinder them from 
taking possession of that which was not occupied by our 
nation. Many objections were made to this, that the possession 
of part was taken for the possession of the whole, etc., but it 
availed nothing. They said, we had no right to hinder them 
from possessing the unoccupied lands, inasmuch as they 
were comprehended in their patent, and we could show no 
patent from any prince or state. After many debates pro and 
con, we asked them, how they would have it for the present, as 
they had not as yet answered our reasonable proposals. In the 
mean time, it being noon, they promised to acquaint us after 


dinner with their meaning; whereupon we went with them to 
the town hall, but before we got there a few propositions 
were shown us by young Allyn and one Willits, 1 a magistrate 
of Hartford, containing in substance that, if we would give up 
all right and title first to Westchester, with all the lands as 
far as Stantfort [Stamford] and, further, divest ourselves of all 
authority and jurisdiction over the English towns on Long 
Island, they would then agree farther with us. As these propo- 
sitions were full of blots (it being the rough draft), we desired 
that the same might be copied fair, which they undertook to do. 
In the meantime we dined; after dinner we desired that they 
would expedite matters, as we had been there so long without 
effecting anything, upon which they promised to make an end 
at present. After some talk the following unreasonable articles 
were delivered to us : 2 

1 st That Westchester and all the People and Lands between that 
and Stanfort shal belonge to the Colony off Connecticut till it be other- 
wise Issued. 

2 d That Connecticut wil forbeare excersiseinge any Authority 
over the Plantations off Heamstede, Jamecoe etc: until the Case be 
further Considered, provided the Dutch wil forbeare to exercise any 
Coercive Power towards any off the english Plantat n8 upon Longe 
Island until there be a determination off the Case. 

3 d It is alsoo agreed that the Issue off these differances shal be 
by o r mutual accord or by a third person or persons mutually Chosen 
by us, or by o r Superiors in Europa, and that the Magestrates now in 
beinge on Longe Island, in those plan tions , shal govern those said 
Plantations, until there be an Issue off these differances as aforesaid. 

4 th That all and every person on Longe Island shall Be wholly 
indemnified for all Passages and transactions Respectinge these 
Affaires to this day. 

That wee mutually advice all Persons Conserned, both English and 
Dutch, to Gary it peaceably, Justly and friendly each to other. 

The above propositions being read by us, we answered: 
That they were wholly unreasonable and we should not be justi- 
fied in consenting to them. We desired that they should desist 
from their pretensions to the towns on Long Island, situate 

1 Samuel Wyllys. 

3 These articles, and the proposals put forward to meet them by the three 
commissioners of New Netherland, are recorded in English. 


within our government, when we should express ourselves on 
the other points; but to no purpose. They said, as before, 
that they could not refuse receiving these towns and defending 
them against all persons whatsoever, which they said they 
would also do, etc. Seeing that we did not advance, in order 
to prevent further encroachments and damages, and being 
inclined to fix something certain, of which we had no prospect 
unless we made some concessions, we resolved, for the reasons 
aforesaid and to obviate further mischief, to make the following 

Weschester, With the Land and People, to Stanfort, shal abide 
under this government off Connecticut, til the tyme that the Bounds 
and Limits betwixt the abovesaid Colony and the province off the 
N Netherlands shall be determined, heere By o r mutual accord, or by 
persons mutual Chosen by his Royal magesty off England and the 
high and mighty estates general off the United Provinces. The 
Plantations off middleborrow Rustdorp and Heemstede, the which are 
s d to Revolt and to Come under the Colony off Connecticut shall 
absolutely abide under the governm* off N Netherland, till the above- 
said determination, and that the magestrates for the tyme beinge on 
Longe Island in those plantations shall govern those said Plantations 
under the s d government, until there be an Issue off these differances 
as aforesaid. 

That al and every person on Longe Island shall be wholly In- 
deminified for al passages and transactions respectinge these affaires 
to these day. 

That we mutually advyce all persons Conserned both English and 
dutch to Carry it Peaceably Just and friendly each to other. 

That both Parties in differance, namely Connecticut Collony and 
the governour and Counsel off N Netherlands, shal be Ingaged to 
use theire utmost endeavours to promote and accomplisse the Issueinge 
off the aboves d differances. 

Being, at our request, admitted within, and having de- 
livered the above propositions, which they read, we were 
answered by some of them, that whether we proposed it or not 
it was all the same; the aforesaid towns would not continue 
under us. Others said, that they did not know any Province 
of New Netherland, but that there was a Dutch Governor over 
the Dutch plantation on the Manhatans; that Long Island 
was included in their patent and that they would also possess 
and maintain it, and much more such like discourse. 


To the first was answered, that we were assured they would 
continue under our government if Hartford Colony did not 
claim a right to them. 

To the other, that they had, in the making of the provisional 
settlement of the limits in the year 1650, acknowledged a 
Province of New Netherland, etc. But observing we made no 
progress with them, we desired that the matter might remain as 
it is at present, till a farther determination of His Majesty and 
the States General. To which they answered, that His Majesty's 
patent fixed the limits, and if we could not acquiesce in their 
propositions nothing could be done, but if we would sign them, 
they would then treat farther with us. As we deemed a com- 
pliance on our part wholly unwarrantable, we desired, if they 
proposed to make any answer to the letter we delivered, that 
they would not delay it, as we intended to depart early the 
next day and acquaint the General and Council of New Nether- 
land how we fared. They answered that they would have a 
letter ready. After begging of them to take the matter into 
serious consideration and endeavor all in their power to con- 
tinue everything in peace and unity till His Majesty and the 
States General should determine the limits, we took leave. 
This happening in the afternoon, we went to them again in the 
evening to know whether the letter was ready. We were 
answered, that it would be brought to our lodgings, and as we 
were resolved to depart next day early in the morning, we took 
leave of the Assembly as we also did that evening of the 
Governor, to whom we complained that nothing more was done 
on our reasonable proposals. To which his Honor answered, 
that it was so concluded upon in the Assembly, and that he 
wished something had been fixed upon. We answered, that 
we had done everything in our power to effect it. After some 
compliments we took our leave. In the evening a letter was 
delivered to us with this superscription: These for the Right 
honnorable Peter Stuyvesant d r generael at the manados. 1 We 
said to the secretary who brought it, that it ought to be, 
Director-General of New Netherland. He answered, that it was 
at our option to receive it or not, etc. 

1 " It is ordered by this Court, that the letter drawn up to the Director Gen 11 
at the Manhattoes be sighned by the Sec r y in the name of the Court, and sent to 
the said Generall." Colonial Records of Connecticut, I. 411. 


24th ditto. Wednesday. As we were obliged to wait some 
time for one of our horses, we departed between eight and nine 
o'clock from Hartford and came to New Haven about sunset. 
25th ditto. Thursday morning. We left Newhaven and 
came, about ten o'clock, to Milford. Towards evening, the tide 
serving, we went on board our sloop, got out of the creek and 
cast anchor, it being very dark. 

26th ditto. In the morning, about two hours before day- 
break, we weighed anchor, with a fair wind, and came, in the 
evening, between eight and nine o'clock, to the Manhatans. 

C: v: RUYVEN, 



THE wars of the seventeenth century between England and 
the Netherlands grew out of the keen commercial rivalry 
existing between the two nations. The first occurred in 1652- 
1654. The second was preceded by a bitter struggle for trade, 
particularly on the African coast. In March, 1664, King 
Charles II., having resolved to achieve the annexation without 
waiting for any formal declaration of war, issued letters 
patent granting all the region from the Connecticut to the 
Delaware, without mention of New Netherland or the Dutch 
and quite as if it were and always had been in the possession of 
his crown, to his brother James, Duke of York. The actual 
taking of New Netherland into possession was intrusted to 
Colonel Richard Nicholls, Sir Robert Carr, Colonel George 
Cartwright and Mr. Samuel Maverick, four commissioners 
whom the King appointed to reduce the Puritan colonies of 
New England, particularly Massachusetts, into due subordina- 
tion, and whom he provided with a military force of about four 
hundred men, embarked on four frigates. They arrived at 
Boston late in July, and appeared at the entrance of New 
York Bay at the end of August, accompanied by additional 
forces from New England. Nicholls, as chief commander of 
the expedition, summoned Stuyvesant to surrender Manhattan. 
The popular voice was all for compliance. Stuyvesant re- 
sisted stoutly as long as he could, protesting that he would 
rather be carried out dead than surrender; but finally he was 
forced to yield, and appointed commissioners who agreed upon 
terms of capitulation. Thus, on September 6, 1664, the history 
of "New York" began, and that of New Netherland ended, 



save for one brief postscript. In August, 1673, in the course 
of the third war between England and the United Provinces, 
two Dutch naval commanders recaptured the town and prov- 
ince, and they remained in Dutch hands till November, 1674, 
when the war had been ended by a treaty restoring these pos- 
sessions to England. 

The following document explains itself. It is found spread 
on the minutes of the Court of Burgomasters and Schepens of 
New Amsterdam (i. e., the town council). Of those who 
signed it, Pieter Tonneman was the schout, or sheriff and prose- 
cuting officer of the city. Paulus Leenderzen van der Grift, 
whose house is satirically referred to in the Representation of 
New Netherland (p. 339, supra), and Cornelis Steenwyck, who 
was probably the richest merchant of the town, were the 
burgomasters. The rest were schepens. The text is taken 
from Records of New Amsterdam from 1653 to 1674, edited by 
Berthold Fernow (New York, 1897), V. 114-116. A transla- 
tion had previously been printed by David T. Valentine in the 
Manual of the Common Council of New York for 1860, pp. 
592-593. * 


Right Honorable Prudent Lords, the Lords Directors of the 
Honorable West India Company, Department of Amsterdam : 

Right Honorable Lords: 

WE, your Honors' loyal, sorrowful and desolate subjects, 
cannot neglect nor keep from relating the event, which through 
God's pleasure thus unexpectedly happened to us in conse- 
quence of your Honors' neglect and forgetfulness of your 
promise to wit, the arrival here, of late, of four King's 
frigates from England, sent hither by His Majesty and his 
brother, the Duke of York, with commission to reduce not only 
this place, but also the whole New Netherland under His 
Majesty's authority, whereunto they brought with them a large 
body of soldiers, provided with considerable ammunition. 
On board one of the frigates were about four hundred and 
fifty as well soldiers as seamen, and the others in proportion. 

The frigates being come together in front of Najac in the 
Bay, 1 Richard Nicolls, the admiral, who is ruling here at present 
as Governor, sent a letter to our Director General, communi- 
cating therein the cause of his coming and his wish. On this 
unexpected letter the General sent for us to determine what 
was to be done herein. Whereupon it was resolved and de- 
cided to send some commissioners thither, to argue the matter 
with the General and his three commissioners, who were so 
sent for this purpose twice, but received no answer, than that 
they were not come here to dispute about it, but to execute 
their order and commission without fail, either peaceably or by 
force, and if they had anything to dispute about it, it must 
be done with His Majesty of England, as we could do nothing 

1 Nyack or Gravesend Bay, just below the Narrows, between New Utrecht 
and Coney Island. 



here in the premises. Three days' delay was demanded for 
consultation; that was duly allowed. But meanwhile they 
were not idle; they approached with their four frigates, two 
of which passed in front of the fort, the other anchored about 
Nooten Island and with five companies of soldiers encamped 
themselves at the ferry, opposite this place, together with a 
newly raised company of horse and a party of new soldiers, 
both from the North and from Long Island, mostly our deadly 
enemies, who expected nothing else than pillage, plunder and 
bloodshed, as men could perceive by their cursing and talking, 
when mention was made of a capitulation. 

Finally, being then surrounded, we saw little means of 
deliverance; we resolved what ought to be here done, and 
after we had well enquired into our strength and had found it to 
be full fifteen hundred souls strong in this place, but of whom 
not two hundred and fifty men are capable of bearing arms 
exclusive of the soldiers, who were about one hundred and 
fifty strong, wholly unprovided with powder both in the 
city and in the fort; yea, not more than six hundred pounds 
were found in the fort besides seven hundred pounds unservice- 
able; also because the farmers, the third man of whom was 
called out, refused, we with the greater portion of the inhabi- 
tants considered it necessary to remonstrate with our Director 
General and Council, that their Honors might consent to a 
capitulation, whereunto we labored according to our duty and 
had much trouble; and laid down and considered all the 
difficulties, which should arise from our not being able to resist 
such an enemy, as they besides could receive a much greater 
force than they had under their command. 

The Director General and Council at length consented there- 
unto, whereto commissioners were sent to the admiral, who 
notified him that it was resolved to come to terms in order to 
prevent the shedding of blood, if a good agreement could be 

Six persons were commissioned on each side for this purpose 
to treat on this matter, as they have done and concluded in 
manner as appears by the articles annexed. 1 How that will 
result, time shall tell. 

1 The articles of capitulation are printed in N. Y. Col Doc., II. 250-253, and 
in Brodhead's History of New York, I. 762-763. 


Meanwhile since we have no longer to depend on your 
Honors' promises of protection, we, with all the poor, sorrowing 
and abandoned commonalty here, must fly for refuge to 
Almighty God, not doubting but He will stand by us in this 
sorely afflicting conjuncture and no more depart from us: And 
we remain 

Your sorrowful and abandoned subjects 








Done in Jorck [York] heretofore named Amsterdam in New 
Netherland Anno 1664 the 16th September. 



LARGELY as the loss of New Netherland was due to their 
own supineness and want of attention to its necessities, neither 
the directors of the West India Company nor the States General 
were willing to accept the blame for what had happened. 
Expostulating with England and presently declaring war, the 
States General summoned Stuyvesant home, to give an account 
of his stewardship, and particularly to explain the facts of the 
surrender. Arriving in Holland in October, 1665, the un- 
happy governor presented to them the following report, 
accompanied by many affidavits and other justifying docu- 
ments. The original is in the National Archives at the 
Hague. The translation, which appeared in Documents relat- 
ing to the Colonial History of New York, II. 365-370, has been 
carefully corrected for the editor, by comparison with the 
original manuscript, by Professor William I. Hull of Swarth- 
more College. 

In 1667 the treaty of Breda confirmed the English in pos- 
session of New York. Stuyvesant soon returned to the 
colony, and lived there on his farm called the Great Bouwery 
till his death in February, 1672. 



Report of the Hon ble Peter Stuyvesant, late Director-General of 
New Netherland, on the Causes which led to the Surrender 
of that Country to the English, 1665. 

Illustrious, High and Mighty Lords: 

WHILST I, your Illustrious High Mightinesses' humble 
servant, was still in New Netherland I was informed, verbally 
and in writing, that the unfortunate loss and reduction of New 
Netherland were, in consequence of ignorance of the facts, 
spoken of and judged in this country by many variously, and 
by most people not consistently with the truth, according to the 
appetite and leaning of each. Therefore your Illustrious 
High Mightinesses' servant, sustained by the tranquillity of an 
upright and loyal heart, was moved to abandon all, even his 
most beloved wife, to inform you, Illustrious, High and 
Mighty, of the true state of the case, that you, when so in- 
formed, may decide according to your profound wisdom; 

Not doubting that you, Illustrious, High and Mighty, will 
judge therefrom that this loss could not be avoided by human 
means, nor be imputed to me, your Illustrious High Mighti- 
nesses' humble servant. 

I dare not interrupt your Illustrious High Mightinesses' 
most important business by a lengthy narrative of the poor 
condition in which I found New Netherland on my assuming 
its government. The open country was stripped of inhabitants 
to such a degree that, with the exception of the three Eng- 
lish villages of Heemstede, New Flushing and Gravesend, there 
were not fifty bouweries and plantations on it, and the whole 
province could not muster 250, at most 300 men capable of 
bearing arms. 



Which was caused, first, (in default of a settlement of the 
boundary so repeatedly requested) by the troublesome neigh- 
bors of New England, who numbered full fifty to our one, 1 
continually encroaching on lands within established bounds, 
possessed and cultivated in fact by your Illustrious High 
Mightinesses' subjects. 

Secondly, by the exceedingly detrimental, land-destroying 
and people-expelling wars with the cruel barbarians, which 
endured two years before my arrival there, whereby many 
subjects who possessed means were necessitated to depart, 
others to retreat under the crumbling fortress of New Amster- 
dam, which, on my arrival, I found resembling more a mole- 
hill than a fortress, without gates, the walls and bastions 
trodden under foot by men and cattle. 

Less dare I, to avoid self-glorification, encumber your 
weighty occupations, Illustrious, High and Mighty, with the 
trouble, care, solicitude and continual zeal with which I have 
endeavored to promote the increase of population, agriculture 
and commerce ; the flourishing condition whereunto they were 
brought, not through any wisdom of mine, but through God's 
special blessing, and which might have been more flourishing 
if your formerly dutiful, but now afflicted, inhabitants of that 
conquest had been, Illustrious, High and Mighty, protected 
and remained protected by a suitable garrison, as necessity 
demanded, against the deplorable and tragical massacres by 
the barbarians, whereby (in addition to ten private murders) 
we were plunged three times into perilous wars, 2 through want 
of sufficient garrisons; especially had they, on the supplicatory 
remonstrances of the people and our own so iterated entreaties, 
which must be considered almost innumerable, been helped 
with the long sought for settlement of the boundary, or in 
default thereof had they been seconded with the oft besought 
reinforcement of men and ships against the continual troubles, 
threats, encroachments and invasions of the English neighbors 
and government of Hartford Colony, our too powerful enemies. 

1 A great exaggeration. In 1647 New Netherland had probably a population 
of about 1,500, New England of about 25,000. 

2 Presumably Kieft's war, 1643-1645 (or else the outbreak at New Amsterdam 
in 1655, while Stuyvesant was conquering New Sweden), and the two wars with the 
Indians of Esopus, 1659-1660, 1663-1664. 


That assistance, nevertheless, appears to have been retarded 
so long (wherefore and by what unpropitious circumstances 
the Hon ble Directors best know) that our abovementioned too 
powerful neighbors and enemies found themselves reinforced 
by four royal ships, crammed full with an extraordinary amount 
of men and warlike stores. Our ancient enemies through- 
out the whole of Long Island, both from the east end and 
from the villages belonging to us united with them, hemmed us 
by water and by land, and cut off all supplies. Powder and 
provisions failing, and no relief nor reinforcement being ex- 
pected, we were necessitated to come to terms with the enemy, 
not through neglect of duty or cowardice, as many, more from 
passion than knowledge of the facts, have decided, but in 
consequence of an absolute impossibility to defend the fort, 
much less the city of New Amsterdam, and still less the country. 
As you, Illustrious, High and Mighty, in your more profound 
and more discreet wisdom, will be able to judge from the fol- 
lowing : 

First, in regard to want of powder: The annexed account 
shows what had been received during the last four years and 
what was left over, from which it appears that there were not 
2000 pounds in store in the city and fort; of that quantity 
there were not 600 pounds good and fit for muskets; the re- 
mainder damaged by age, so that when used for artillery, the 
cannon required a double charge or weight. 

If necessary and you, Illustrious High and Mighty, demand 
it, the truth hereof can be sought from the gunner, who ac- 
companies me hither, and who will not deny having said in the 
presence of divers persons and at various times: "What can 
my lord do? he knows well that there is no powder, and that 
the most of it is good for nothing; there is powder enough 
to do harm to the enemy, but 'tis no good ; were I to commence 
firing in the morning, I should have all used up by noon." 

What efforts we have employed to receive this and some 
other reinforcements and assistance may appear from the 
copies of two letters sent to the colonie of Renselaerswyck and 
village of Beverwyck, marked N A. 1 

Whose answers intimate, that we could not be assisted by 
either the one or the other, because of the difficulties into 

1 See N. Y. Col Doc., II. 371-372. 


which they had just then fallen with the northern Indians ow- 
ing to the killing of three or four Christians and some cows, 
whether urged to do so by evil disposed neighbors, I submit 
to wiser opinions. 

In regard to provisions : Although our stores were reason- 
ably well supplied with them the whole fore part of the summer, 
even more than ever heretofore, the falling off being commonly 
caused by the want of credit or ready money to lay up an abun- 
dant stock of provisions; 

Nevertheless our supplies became, from various accidents, 
so much diminished that on capitulating to the enemy, not 120 
skepels * of breadstuffs, and much less of peas and meat were 
remaining in store, 

This scarcity being caused by the exportation of a large 
quantity of provisions to the island of Curagao, in the little 
craft De Musch, dispatched thither three weeks previous to the 
arrival of the frigates, without any apprehension or suspicion 
of experiencing a want of provisions, as the good wheat harvest 
was not only at hand, but between the barn and the field. 

In addition to this favorable prospect, we were relieved 
from all fear of any approaching enemy or imminent danger 
from Old England, by the last letters from the Hon ble Direc- 
tors, dated 21 April, and received one month before the arrival 
of the frigates; in the words following: 

On the other hand, according to the intelligence we receive from 
England, His Royal Majesty of Great Britain, being disposed to bring 
all his kingdoms under one form of government, both in church and 
state, hath taken care that commissioners are ready at present to 
repair to New England, and there to install the Episcopal government 
as in Old England ; wherefore we are in hopes that as the English at 
the North have removed mostly from Old England for the causes 
aforesaid, they will not give us henceforth so much trouble, but prefer 
to live free under us at peace with their consciences, than to risk 
getting rid of our authority and then falling again under a government 
from which they had formerly fled. 

Two reasons which will serve you for speculation, in order to make 
a disposition of our force, and assist considerably the execution of our 
intentions and maintenance of our conquest by that means without 
difficulty, until a final agreement shall be concluded. 
1 Equivalent to 90 bushels. 


The settlement of the boundary now begins to assume a different 
aspect from that it formerly wore, partly in consequence of our efforts, 
partly from other circumstances. 

Placed by the aforesaid advices beyond all apprehension, 
we felt no difficulty in letting the aforesaid little vessel, De 
Musch, go with the loaded provisions; indeed we would have 
sent off more if we could have procured them anywhere. 

The asserted scarcity of provisions is proved by the annexed 
declaration of the commissary himself, and of Sergeant Harmen 
Martensen, and moreover by the efforts we employed to obtain 
a greater quantity of these, were that possible. N B. 1 

Provisions were likewise so few and scarce in the city, *n 
consequence of the approaching harvest, for the inhabitants 
are not in the habit of laying up more provisions than they have 
need of, that about eight days after the surrender of the place, 
there was not in the city of New Amsterdam enough of pro- 
visions, beef, pork and peas, to be obtained for the transporta- 
tion of the military, about ninety strong, and the new grain had 
to be thrashed. 

In addition to the want of the abovementioned necessaries, 
and many other minor articles, a general discontent and un- 
willingness to assist in defending the place became manifest 
among the people, 

Which unwillingness was occasioned and caused in no small 
degree, first among the people living out of the city, and next 
among the burghers, by the attempts and encroachments 
experienced at the hands of the English in the preceding year, 

First, through Captain John Talcot's reducing Eastdorp, 2 
situate on the main, not two leagues from New Amsterdam, by 
order and commission of the government of Hartford. 

Next, through Captain Go's later invasion and subjugation 
of all the English villages and plantations on Long Island, which 
were under oath and obedience to you, Illustrious, High and 
Mighty, and the Hon ble Company, with an armed troop of 
about 150 to 160 of John Schott's horse and foot. That this 
was done also by the order of Hartford's Colony appears 

1 See N. Y. Col. Doc., II. 373, 374. 

8 Oostdorp, or West Chester. This occurred in July, 1663. 


from the fact that in the following year, 1664, Governor 
Winthrop himself came with two commissioners from Hartford, 
and one from the east end of Long Island, with a considerable 
number of people on foot and on horseback, to the reduced 
English towns, in order to get the inhabitants to take the oath 
of allegiance in the King's name. 

Owing to the very serious war with the Esopus Indians and 
their confederates, in consequence of a third deplorable mas- 
sacre perpetrated there on the good inhabitants, we could not 
at the time do anything against such violent attempts and en- 
croachments, except to protest against them verbally and in 

All this, recorded fully in the form of a journal, was, on 
November 10, 1663, and last of February, 1664, transmitted 
to the Honorable Directors, together with our, and the entire 
commonalty's grievances, remonstrances and humble petitions 
for redress, either by means of a settlement of the boundary, or 
else by an effective reinforcement of men and ships. 1 

I could and should lay the authenticated copies before you, 
Illustrious, High and Mighty, were it not that I am appre- 
hensive of incumbering thereby your present much more im- 
portant business. On that account, therefore, in verification 
of what is set forth, are most humbly submitted to you, Illus- 
trious, High and Mighty, only 

No. 1. An humble remonstrance of the country people on 
Long Island, whereof the original was sent on the last of Febru- 
ary to the Honorable Directors, setting forth the threats and 
importunity made use of towards them by the English troop 
aforesaid, with a request for redress; otherwise, in default 
thereof, they shall be under the necessity of abandoning their 
lands or submitting to another government. 

No. 2 is a copy of a letter sent to all the Dutch villages for a 
reinforcement, whence can be inferred our good inclination to 
defend the city and fort as long as possible. The answer 
thereto intimates their refusal, as they, living in the open 
country unprotected, could not abandon their lands, wives and 

1 These important documents are to be found in N. Y. Col. Doc., II. 484-488 
and 230-234, respectively. The three mentioned next in the text are ibid., 374- 
376, 248-250. 


No. 3. The burghers' petition and protest exhibits their 
uneasiness; wherein they set forth at length the very urgent 
necessity to which they were reduced in consequence of the 
overwhelming power of the enemy; the impossibility, owing to 
want of provisions and munitions of war, especially powder, 
of defending the city one, and the fort three, days; and the 
absence of any relief to be expected or reinforcement to be 
secured, certainly not within six months; whereas by effective 
resistance everything would be ruined and plundered, and 
themselves, with wives and children, more than 1,500 in 
number, reduced to the direst poverty. 

This dissatisfaction and unwillingness on the part of burgher 
and farmer were called forth by the abovementioned and other 
frequently bruited threats, by the hostile invasions and en- 
croachments that had been experienced and the inability to 
oppose them for want of power and reinforcements; but mainly 
by the sending of proclamations and open letters containing 
promises, in the King's name, to burgher and farmer, of free 
and peaceable possession of their property, unobstructed trade 
and navigation, not only to the King's dominions, but also to 
the Netherlands with their own ships and people. 

Besides the abovementioned reasons for dissatisfaction and 
unwillingness, the former as well as the ruling burgomasters 
and schepens, and principal citizens, complained that their 
iterated remonstrances, letters and petitions, especially the 
last, of the 10th of November, wherein they had informed the 
Hon ble Directors of the dire extremity of the country both in 
regard to the war with the barbarians and to the hostile attacks 
of the English, had not been deemed worthy of any answer; 
publicly declaring, "If the Hon ble Company give themselves 
so little concern about the safety of the country and its inhab- 
itants as not to be willing to send a ship of war to its succor in 
such pressing necessity, nor even a letter of advice as to what 
we may depend on and what succor we have to expect, we are 
utterly powerless, and, therefore, not bound to defend the city, 
to imperil our lives, property, wives and children without hope 
of any succor or relief, and to lose all after two or three days' 

Your patience would fail you, Illustrious, High and Mighty, 
if I should continue to relate all the disrespectful speeches and 


treatment which, Illustrious, High and Mighty, your servants 
of the Superior Government have been obliged to listen to and 
patiently to bear, during the approach of the frigates, whenever 
they sought to encourage the burghers and inhabitants to their 
duty, as could be verified by credible witnesses. 

This further difficulty was made by the burghers that they 
were not certain of their lives and properties on account of the 
threats of plundering heard from some of the soldiers, who had 
their minds fixed more on plunder than on defence; giving 
utterance, among other things, to the following : We now hope 
to find an opportunity to pepper the devilish Chinese, who have 
made us smart so much; we know well where booty is to be got 
and where the young ladies reside who wear chains of gold. In 
verification whereof, it was alleged and proved, that a troop of 
soldiers had collected in front of one Nicolaus Meyer's house in 
order to plunder it, which was prevented by the burghers. 

In addition to the preceding, many verbal warnings came 
from divers country people on Long Island, who daily noticed 
the growing and increasing strength of the English, and gath- 
ered from their talk that their business was not only with New 
Netherland but with the booty and plunder, and for these were 
they called out and enrolled. Which was afterwards confirmed 
not only by the dissolute English soldiery, but even by the 
most steady officers and by a striking example exhibited to the 
colonists of New Amstel on the South River, 1 who, notwith- 
standing they had offered no resistance, but requested good 
terms, could not obtain them, but were invaded, stripped, 
utterly plundered and many of them sold as slaves to Virginia. 

To prevent these and many other misfortunes, calamities 
and mischiefs overtaking evidently and assuredly the honest 
inhabitants, owing to the aforesaid untenableness of the place 
and fort without assistance from Fatherland, which was not to 
be expected for six months, we and the Council, on the presenta- 
tion of so many remonstrances, complaints and warnings, were 
under the necessity, God and the entire community know 
without any other object than the welfare of the public and the 
Company, to come to terms with the enemy and neighbors 

1 Sir Robert Carr, one of Nicholls's fellow-commissioners, was sent by him 
to reduce the settlements on the South River, which he accomplished with little of 
the moderation and kindness shown by Nicholls at New Amsterdam. 


whose previous hostile invasions and encroachments neither 
we nor our predecessors have been able to oppose or prevent. 

And, even if the good God had, for the moment, been 
pleased to avert the misfortune from us, to delay or prevent the 
arrival of those frigates, yet had we, through want of the rein- 
forcements of men and ships from Fatherland so repeatedly 
demanded but not come, shortly after fallen, by this war with 
England, into a worse state and condition, in consequence of 
the overpowering might of the neighbors. This is sufficiently 
evident and plain from their hostile acts and encroachments 
against the inhabitants in a season of profound peace ; being, 
as already stated, fifty to our one, they would afterwards, 
jure belli, have attacked, overwhelmed, plundered us and the 
good inhabitants whom they would have utterly expelled out 
of the country. 

Many more reasons and circumstances could be adduced, 
Illustrious, High and Mighty, for your greater satisfaction and 
my vindication, if your occupations, Illustrious, High and 
Mighty, permitted you to cast your eyes over, or allow others 
to take cognizance of, the continual remonstrances, applications 
and petitions for a settlement of the boundary or a reinforce- 
ment, particularly of the latest of the years 1663 and 1664, and 
of the daily entries in the minutes bearing thereupon. 

But fearing that your patience, Illustrious, High and Mighty, 
will be exhausted by this too long and unpalatable relation, I 
shall break off here and submit myself, Illustrious, High and 
Mighty, to your most wise and discreet opinion, command and 
order with this prayer, that you, Illustrious, High and 
Mighty, would please to dispatch me, your humble servant, as 
quickly as your more important occupations will possibly allow ; 
meanwhile praying that God will temper this loss with other 
more notable successes and prosper your government. 

Illustrious, High and Mighty, 

Your most humble servant, 
Exhibited 16 th October, 1665. P. STUYVESANT. 



Abraham's Offering, ship, 383. 

Achkokx, 86. 

Adriaensen, Maryn, 226, 226 n., 278. 

Albany, N. Y., 22, 22 n., 67 n. 

Allyn, John, 434 n., 435, 442. 

Allyn, Matthew, 434 n., 435, 437. 

American Historical Association, Pa- 
pers, 64; Annual Report, 137. 

American Historical Record, 400 n. 

American Historical Review, 237. 

American Society of Church History, 
Papers of the, 390. 

Anchor Bay, see Narragansett Bay. 

Animals, 71, 169, 220, 270, 296-297. 

Answer to the Representation of New 
Netherland, by Cornells van Tien- 
hoven, 355-377. 

Aquamachuques, 45 n. 

Armeomecks, 52 n., 53. 

Arms of Amsterdam, ship, 83 n., 87, 88, 

Asher, G. M., Henry Hudson the Navi- 
gator, 5, 14, 35; Bibliography of New 
Netherland, 306 n. 

Asserue, 179. 

Athens, N. Y., 21 n., 23 n. 

Backer, Jacob, 453. 

Backer, Joost T., 345-346, 370. 

Backerus, Rev. Johannes, 167, 339, 

339 n., 353, 353 n., 374. 
Balance, ship, 383, 384, 399, 401. 
Banagiro, see Canagero. 
Barentsen, Pieter, 85-86. 
Barnegat, 186, 186 n. 
Barsimson, Jacob, 392. 
Baxter, George, 280, 280 n., 281. 
Bayard, Mrs. Anna, 400 n. 
Bears' Island, 47, 47 n. 
Beauchamp, Dr. William M., Aboriginal 

Occupation of New York, 139 n.; 

Aboriginal Place Names of New 

York, 139 n. 

Bedloe's Island, 45, 45 n. 
Beeck, Johannes van, 386. 

Berkeley, Gov. William, 234 n. 

Birds, 221, 270, 297. 

Black Tom Island, 45, 45 n. 

Blenck, Jacob, 233. 

Block, Adriaen, 34, 39, 41, 42, 44, 47 n., 

50, 309, 309 n. 
Block Island, 41. 

Blom, Rev. Harmanus, 406 n., 407. 
Blommaert, Samuel, 96 n., 184, 206, 

261 n.; life, 101; letter to, from Isaac 

de Rasieres, 97-115. 
Bogaert, Harmen M. van den, 138, 252, 

252 n. 
Bogaert, Johannes, 382; Letter to Hans 

Bontemantel, 379-386. 
Bogardus, Rev. Everardus, 187 n., 197, 

299 n., 326, 339 n. 
Bontemantel, Hans, 382; Letter to, 


Boston, Mass., 308, 308 n. 
Bout, Jan Evertsen, 290, 354, 375, 376. 
Bowne, John, 400 n. 
Bradford, Gov. William, 100; History 

of Plymouth Plantation, 109 n., 110 

n., 113 n., 191 n. 
Bressani, Giuseppe, 404, 404 n. 
Brodhead, John R., 99, 167, 267, 357, 

390; History of New York, 415 n., 

452 n. See also Documents. 
Brooklyn, N. Y., 289, 306. 
Brouwer, Jan J., 122 n. 
Brownists, 86, 89. 
Bruyas, Jacques, 139 n. 
Bryan, Alexander, 432, 432 n. 
Buchell, Arend van (Arnoldus Buchel- 

lius), vi; note on his chart, ix-xiii. 
Bulletin de rAcad'emie Roy ale de Bel- 

gique, 31. 

Burning of Troy, ship, 205. 
Buteux, Father, 251. 
Buzzard's Bay, 41, 41 n. 

Canagero, 142, 179. 
Canarsus, 282. 
Canoes, 48, 57. 




Canomakers, 52 n., 53. 

Canowarode, 142. 

Capawak, 40, 40 n. 

Cape Bevechier, 39. 

Cape Charles, 37, 37 n. 

Cape Cod, 14, 37. 

Cape Cornelius, see Cape Henlopen. 

Cape Henlopen, 52, 52 n., 53, 312, 

312 n. 

Cape Malebarre, 39-40. 
Cape May, 52, 52 n. 
Capitanasses, 52 n., 53. 
Carpentier, Rev. Casparus, 396, 396 n. 
Carr, Robert, 449, 465. 
Carthagena, 198. 
Cart wright, George, 449. 
Casot, Jean J., 257. 
Castle Island, 67 n., 206, 206 n. 
Castles of the Mohawks, 140, 156. 
Cathay, 4. 
Catskills, 21, 21 n. 
Cawaoge, 145, 156. 
Champlain, Samuel de, 14. 
Chesapeake Bay, 14. 
China, search for passage to, 6. 
Christiaenzen, Hendrick, 34, 47, 47 n., 

50; death, 81. 
Church, at New Amsterdam, first, 83, 

84, 124, 125, 212 n; second, 212, 

213, 259, 325, 326, 361. 
Claesen, Dirck, 384. 
Classis of Amsterdam, Letters of the 

Dutch Ministers to, 387-415. 
Cock, Pieter, 280, 280 n., 281-282. 
Coe, John, 438, 438 n., 462. 
Coenraets, Albert, xi. 
Cohoes Falls, 170, 170 n. 
Colby, Prof. Charles W., 237. 
Colman, John, 18, 19. 
Colman's Point, 19. 
Coningckx, Pieter de, 383. 
Connecticut, Colonial Records of, 430, 

434 n., 444 n. 
Connecticut River, 43, 43 n., 202, 260, 

306; occupied by English, 308-309. 
Copper, 18, 20, 49. 
Corler's Hook, 228. 
Cornelissen, Jan, 362. 
Cornelissen, Laurens, see Wei, Laurens 

C. van der. 

Corssen, Arent, 299, 299 n. 
Cortlant, Oloff S. van, 290, 354, 375, 

430; Journal of, 425-445. 

Corwin, Rev. Edward T., 390. 
Couture, Guillaume, 238, 245. 
Couwenhoven, Jacob van, 290, 354, 

363, 363 n., 375, 376. 
Cregier, Martin, 365, 365 n. 
Croeger, Capt. Evert, 123, 123 n. 
Crol, Bastiaen J., 88. 
Crowell, Prof. A. Clinton, v., 167, 185, 


Curler, Arent van, 137, 244, 244 n. 
Curler, Jacob van, 203 n., 308, 375. 
Curtius, Alexander C., 398 n. 
Cuttyhunk, 40 n. 
Cuyter, see Kuyter. 

Dam, Jan J., 212, 212 n., 226. 

Dance Chamber, 206, 207. 

Dartmouth, Eng., 8, 28. 

Davenport, Frances G., 419. 

Davis's Straits, 7, 8. 

A Declaration of Former Passages and 
Proceedings betwixt the English and 
the Narrowgansets, 276 n. 

Delaware Bay, 14, 38, 38 n., 311. 

Delaware River, 103, 184, 312. 

Delaware vocabulary, 58-60. 

De Navorscher, 382. 

Denton, Rev. Richard, 397, 397 n., 

Description of the Towne of Mannadens, 
viii, 417-424. 

Dincklaghen, Lubbert van, 323, 338, 
338 n., 367. 

Documentary History of New York, 
75 n., 268. 

Documents relative to the Colonial His- 
tory of the State of New York, 32, 99, 
120, 187 n., 268, 275 n., 276 n., 277 n., 
288, 292, 309 n., 323 n., 334 n., 340 n., 
358, 384, 385 n., 414, 415 n., 431, 
452 n., 457, 460 n., 462 n., 463 n. 

Dolphin, ship, 383. 

Donck, Adriaen van der, 179 n., 222 n., 
288, 291, 354, 373, 374; has trouble 
with the Director, 351; map, vii; 
Beschrijvinge van Niew Nederlant, 
166, 288, 297; Representation of New 
Netherland, 285-354, 354, 359. 

Dort, Synod of, 126 n. 

Doughty, Francis, 307 n., 334-335, 334 
n., 343, 343 n., 368, 397, 397 n., 401; 
colony of, 366-367. 

Dover Cliff, 40 n. 



Drisius (Dries), Rev. Samuel, 389, 407; 

Letters to the Classis of Amsterdam, 

393-402, 412-415. 
Dutch Frontier, ship, 383. 
Duyster, Dirck C., 137-138. 
Dyck, Gysbert van, 203. 
Dyck, Hendrick van, 213, 275, 283, 

340, 340 n. 

East India Co., Dutch, 3; employs 

Hudson, 4, 6. 

Eaton, Gov. Theophilus, 370, 370 n. 
Ebbingh, Jeronimus, 33. 
Ebel, Pieter, 383. 
Ecclesiastical Records, State of New 

York, 119, 121, 390, 391 n., 403 n., 

406 n. 

Eelkes, Jacob, 47, 187, 187 n., 188. 
Eencluys, Hans, 309, 309 n. 
Egg Harbor, 51, 51 n. 
Eight Men, 279-280, 323, 323 n., 327, 

333, 333 n., 342. 
Elbertsen, Elbert, 290, 354, 376. 
Elckens, Jaques, see Eelkes, Jacob. 
Eliot, John, 166. 
Elizabeth's Islands, 41. 
Ellis Island, 45, 45 n. 
Elsevier, Rammelman, 100. 
Elswijck, factor, 386. 
Ermomex, 52 n. 

Esopus, N. Y., 206, 206 n., 422, 422 n. 
Evelyn, John, 409 n. 
Evertsen, Jan, see Bout, Jan Evertsen. 
Excise, 327-329, 362. 
Exemptions and privileges of Patroons, 

etc., see Privileges and Exemptions,etc. 
Eyckenboom, ship, 211. 

Fagg, Rev. John G., 121. 

Falcon, ship, 339 n. 

Falconer, ship, 308, 345. 

Faroe Islands, 7. 

Farrett, James, 307, 307 n. 

Feake, Robert, 306 n. 

Fenn, Benjamin, 432, 432 n. 

Fernow, Berthold, 450. 

Fish, 7, 17, 18, 21, 24, 171, 222-223, 

270, 298. 

Fisher's Hook, see Montauk Point. 
Flatbush, N. Y., 391, 391 n. 
Flint implements, 57. 
Flora, 49, 54, 55, 71, 168, 218, 219, 298- 


Flushing, N. Y., 289, 307 n. 

Fordham, Robert, 282 n. 

Forester, Andrew, 307, 307 n. 

Fort Amsterdam, 104, 131, 259, 271, 
331, 365-366, 422, 459. 

Fort Casimir, 381, 386, 386 n.; is surren- 
dered, 384, 395. 

Fort Christina, 314, 314 n; is surren- 
dered, 385, 395. 

Fort Good Hope, 203, 203 n., 271, 308. 

Fort Nassau, on North River, 67, 67 n., 

Fort Nassau, on South River, 84, 84 n., 
271, 313; is taken by English, 195; re- 
covered, 195; abandoned, 395. 

Fort Nya Elfsborg, 260, 260 n., 314, 
314 n., 383. 

Fort Orange, 47, 47 n., 54, 75 n., 84, 
88, 188, 207 n., 271, 279, 422; built, 75. 

Four Mile River, 43, 43 n. 

Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange, 229, 
229 n. 

Frederickz, Kryn, xii, 83. 

Fresh River, see Connecticut River. 

Frisian River, see Four Mile River. 

Fur-trade, 7, 15, 22, 41, 48. 

Gabry, Peter, 375, 375 n. 

Gabry, Tymotheus, 453. 

Gacheos, 52 n., 53. 

Gardiner, Lion, 202, 202 n. 

Gay Head, 40 n. 

George's Banks, 40, 40 n. 

Gerritsen, Marten, 137-139. 

Gilbert, Matthew, 433, 433 n. 

Godyn, Samuel, 96 n., 123, 123 n., 184, 

187, 206. 

Godyn's Bay, 312, 313. 
Godyn's Point, see Sandy Hook. 
Goetwater, see Gutwasser. 
Gold, 261, 299 n. 

Gonzaga, San Luigi di, 253, 253 n. 
Gosnold, Bartholomew, 40 n. 
Goupil, Rene, 238, 245. 
Governor's Island, 44, 44 n., 45. 
Gravesend, N. Y., 306 n. 
Great Gerrit, ship, 339 n. 
Greenburg, N. Y., 206, 206 n. 
Greenbush, N. Y., 166. 
Greenwich, Conn., 205, 205 n., 281, 

306 n. 

Grevenraat, Isaack, 453. 
Griffin, ship, 315. 



Grift, Paulus L. van der, 339, 339 n., 

450, 453. 

Grotius, Hugo, 32. 
Guiana, 196. 
Gutwasser, Rev. Johann E., 393 n., 

394, 394 n., 399-400, 401, 402. 

Hackensack, 215, 215 n., 272, 272 n. 

Hackensacks, 216, 216 n. 

Hadson, Rev. Warnerus, 410, 410 n. 

Hagel, Jan, 383. 

Hakluyt, Rev. Richard, 13. 

Half Moon, ship, 6, 13, 27 n., 34, 37, 293. 

Hall, Thomas, 2QO, 354, 373, 375. 

Hampstead, 289. 

Hardenberg, Arnoldus van, 290, 334- 
336, 342, 354, 375. 

Harlot's Creek, 313, 313 n. 

Hartford, Conn., 203 n.; conference at, 

Hartford Town Votes, 435 n. 

Hartgers, Joost, Beschrijvinghe van Vir- 
ginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, etc., xii, 166. 

Harvey, Sir John, 192. 

Haverstraw, N. Y., 206, 206 n. 

Haynes, John, 203. 

Hazard, Ebenezer, Historical Collec- 
tions, 167, 431. 

Hellegat, 44, 44 n. 

Hempstead, N. Y., 282, 282 n., 307 n. 

Hendricksen, Cornells, 231 n. 

Herdenberch, see Hardenberg. 

Herring, ship, 205, 375. 

Herrman, Augustin, vii, 289, 354, 373, 
375, 385 n. 

Heyn, Pieter, 210, 210 n. 

Historical Magazine, 382. 

Historisch Verhael, see Wassenaer, 
Nicolaes van. 

Hjort, Rev. Peter, 395, 395 n. 

Hoboken, Harmanus van, 392 n., 398 n. 

Hoboken, 27 n. 

Hodgson, Robert, 400-401, 400 n. 

Hoere-kil, 313. 

Holland, see Netherlands. 

Hollanse Tuijn, ship, 383. 

Hollantze Mercurius, 411. 

Holmes, George, 195, 195 n. 

Hope, ship, 383. 

Hopkins, Gov. Edward, 370, 370 n. 

Horikans, 43. 

Horst, Heer van der, 215, 315. 

Houset, Giles, 214, 214 n. 

Howard, Robert, 435, 435 n., 439, 440. 

Hudson, Henry, 188, 293; first knowl- 
edge of, 3-4; Meteren on the first 
voyage of, 6-9; Juet on the same, 
16-28; De Laet on the same, 37-38; 
enters North River, 18; ascends the 
river, 20-22; descends, 23-27; re- 
turns to England, 28; lost journal of, 
34; describes the natives, 48-49. 

Hudson, N. Y., 21 n. 

Hudson River, 4; discovered by Hud- 
son, 7, 20; described by De Laet, 

Hudson's Bay, 4. 

Hulft, Pieter E., 79. 

Hull, Prof. William I., v, 99, 358, 

Hullu, Dr. Johannes de, v, vi, 31, 32 n., 

Hulter, Johan de, 33. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 233 n. 

Huych, Jan, 83, 124, 124 n. 

Huygens, Cornelis van der, 332, 332 n., 

Huyghens, Jan, 83, 124, 124 n. 

lllissen, Jan, 384. 

Independent, The, 137. 

Indians, described, 48, 49, 270, 300- 
303; religion of, 49, 57, 68, 302; man- 
ners and customs of, 57-58, 69-73, 
105-109, 113-114, 225; languages of, 
58-60, 72, 128; marriage of, 70, 106- 
107, 108, 218, 302; dwellings of, 70, 
302; planting among, 72, 107, 219; 
death customs of, 87, 223-224; sav- 
agery of, 126-127; dress of, 217, 301; 
hunting of, 220 ; see also special 

Innes, J. H., vii, 267 n., 419, 422 n.; 
note on the Buchellius chart, ix-xiii; 
The Old Bark Mill, 84 n. 

Iroquois, Father Jogues among the, 
242-247. See also Mohawks, Oneidas, 
and Onondagas. 

Jacquet, Jean P., 396, 396 n. 
Jameson, Dr. J. Franklin, Willem 

Usselinx, 64. 
Jansen, Adriaen, 398 n. 
Jansen, Hendrick, 368, 368 n. 
Jansen, Michiel, 290, 351, 354, 373, 375, 




Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 
237, 240, 241, 243 n., 258. 

Jesuits, 237, 403-405. 

Jews, 392, 392 n. 

Jogues, Isaac, 175, 175 n., 207 n., 274 
n., 403-404; life, 238-239; writings 
of, 240-241; among the Iroquois, 
242-247; Letter to his Superior in 
Canada, 1643, 242-250; Narrative of, 
reported by Father Buteux, 251-254; 
Novum Belgium, 255-263. 

John Maurice, Count of Nassau, 55 n. 

Joris, Adriaen, 87. 

Journal of New Netherland, 265-284. 

Journal of Van Ruyven, Van Cortlant 
and Lawrence, 425-445. 

Journey into the Mohawk and Oneida 
Country, 1634-1635, 135-162. 

Juet, Robert, 8 n.; mention of his jour- 
nal, 5; life, 13; Third Voyage of 
Master Henry Hudson, 1 1-28. 

Kanagiro, see Canagero. 

Kawaoge, see Cawaoge. 

Keen, Prof. Gregory B., 311 n., 382. 

Kennebec region, 113, 113 n. 

Keren, Myndert M. van, 272, 272 n.; 
colony of, 276. 

Key of Calmar, ship, 315. 

Keyser, Adrian, 339, 369. 

Kickx, Pierre, 31. 

Kieft, Willem, 66, 211-212, 252, 267, 
310, 314, 322, 339 n., 342, 421; Di- 
rector General, 202; feeling toward, 
276; removal, 287, 323; death, 299 
n.; protests against Swedes, 315; 
mismanagement of, 324-330, 332- 
337, 351; is defended, 361-377. 

Kieft's war, 185, 227-234, 275-278, 
280-284, 325, 347-348; causes of, 
273-276, 334. 

Kill van Kull, 19, 103, 103 n. 

Kip, Hendrick, 290, 354, 376. 

Konekotays, 52 n., 53. 

Koningh, Frederick de, 383, 383 n. 

Krieckebeeck, Daniel van, 76, 84. 

Kregier, Martin, 406, 412 n. 

Krol, Sebastiaen J., 66, 124, 124 n., 
172, 172 n. 

Kuyter, Jochem P., 205, 205 n., 212, 
280, 280 n., 299 n.; struggle of, 
against Kieft, 287, 325, 325 n.; and 
Stuyvesant, 325 n., 342, 343. 

Lacroix, Jeronimus de, 138-157. 
Laer, Mr. A. J. F. van, vi, 38 n., 90 n., 

137, 138, 247, 431. 
Laet, Johan de, 184, 206; life, 31-32; 

New World, or Description of West 

India, etc., 29-60, 261, 261 n., 305 n. 

313; Historia Rerum Naturalium 

Brasilece, 55 n. 

Lam, Admiral Jan D., 123, 123 n. 
Lamberton, Capt. George, 299 n. 
Lawrence, John, 430; Journal of, 425- 


Le Moyne, see Moyne. 
Lenox, James, 185, 272. 
Letters of the Dutch Ministers to the 

Classis of Amsterdam, 1655-1664, 


Leyden, University of, 3, 55 n. 
Linden, Pieter van der, 346. 
Lock, Rev. Lars, 396, 396 n. 
Lokenius, see Lock. 
Long Island, N. Y., 42, 42 n., 103, 270, 

306, 307; English encroachments up- 
on, 411-412, 439. 

Long Island Sound, 42, 42 n., 270, 294. 
Longfellow, Henry W., The Phantom 

Ship, 299 n. 

Loockermans, Covert, 290, 354, 376. 
Loper, Jacob, 343, 343 n. 
Love, ship, 383, 385. 
Lutherans, 393-396, 393 n. 

Machkentiwomi, 45 n. 

Magdalen Island, 305, 305 n. 

Mahicanders, see Mohicans. 

Maid of Enkhuizen, ship, 375, 375 n. 

Maikans, see Mohicans. 

Maine, 14. 

Maize, 19, 20, 48, 69, 219; cultivation of , 

Manhattan, see New Amsterdam. 

Manhattan Island, 27, 27 n., 54, 259, 
385, 386; bought of natives, 83 n.; 
description of, 104; map, viii. 

Manhattans, 45, 45 n., 54, 68, 103. 

Marblehead, Mass., 39 n. 

Marcgraf, George, 55 n. 

Martha's Vineyard, 40, 40 n., 41. 

Martin, Father, 257. 

Mason, Capt. John, 282 n., 434, 434 n. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Col- 
lections of the, 1 10 n. 

Matanackouses, 52 n., 53. 



Mather, Cotton, Magnolia, 194 n., 
299 n. 

Matouwacks, 44, 51. 

Maurice of Nassau, Count, 3. 

Mauritius River, ix. See also Hudson 

Maverick, Samuel, 449. 

May, Cornelis J., 34, 40, 47 n., 51, 66, 
75-; director of colony, 84. 

Mayekanders, see Mohicans. 

Mechkentowoons, 67. 

Meeuwken, ship, 83 n. 

Megapolensis, Rev. Johannes, Jr., 207 n., 
248, 374, 374 n., 389, 407; life, 165- 

Megapolensis, Rev. Johannes, Jr. A 
Short Account of the Mohawk Indians, 
etc., 1644, 163-180, 166; Letters to the 
Classis of Amsterdam, 391-405. 

Megapolensis, Rev. Samuel, 410, 410 n., 

Melyn, Cornelis, 211, 211 n., 299 n., 386; 
colony of, 272, 272 n.; struggle of, 
against Kieft, 287, 325, 325 n.; and 
Stuyvesant, 325 n., 342, 343. 

Menades, see New Amsterdam. 

Mespath, 306, 306 n., 366-367. 

Meteren, Emanuel van, 13, 22; life, 4; 
Hudson's Voyage, 1-9. 

Meyer, Nicolaas de, 453, 465. 

Miantonimo, 276. 

Michaelius, Rev. Jonas J., 100; life, 
120; Letter of, 117-133. 

Midwout, see Flatbush. 

The Mill, ship, 394, 394 n. 

Mills, Richard, 438, 438 n. 

Minerals, 25, 27, 269, 299-300. 

Minquaas, 52 n., 53. 

Minuit, Peter, 66, 83, 83 n., 124 n., 261 
n., 315, 315 n.; director of the colony, 
88; founds New Sweden, 381; map 
by (?), v, ix-xiii. 

Mohawk River, 23 n.; ascent of, 140. 

Mohawks, 47, 47 n., 131; vocabulary 
of, 73, 157-162; dwellings, 141, 176; 
religion, 142, 177; journey among, 
139-146; healing the sick, 146; A 
Short Account of, by Rev. J. Mega- 
polensis, Jr., 163-180; language, 172, 
dress, 173; marriage, 174; canoes, 176; 
burial, 176-177; obtain firearms, 274. 

Mohicans, 43, 47, 67, 131, 172, 225, 

Montagne, Dr. Johannes la, 280, 280 n., 
282, 332, 333, 338. 

Montauk Point, 42, 42 n., 44, 44 n., 102, 
102 n. 

Moody, Lady Deborah, 306 n. 

Moore, Rev. John, 397, 397 n., 401. 

Moyne, Simon le, 404-405, 405 n. 

Murphy, Henry C., Henry Hudson in 
Holland, 5; The First Minister of the 
Dutch Reformed Church in the United 
States, 120; translation of De Vries's 
Korte Historiael ende Journals Aentey- 
ckeninge, 185; translation of Repre- 
sentation of New Netherland, etc., 
292, 337 n., 344 n.; translation of 
Answer to the Representation of New 
Netherland, 357; translation of Jo- 
hannes Bogaert's Letter, 382. 

Muscovy Company, employs Hudson, 

Nantucket, 40, 40 n. 

Naraticons, 52 n., 53. 

Narragansett Bay, 41, 41 n. 

Narragansetts, 42, 42 n., 276. 

Nassau, ship, 110 n. 

Nassau Bay, see Buzzard's Bay. 

National Archives, Hague, 99. 

Navorscher, 382. 

Nawaas, 43. 

Netherlands, United, 3. 

New Albion, 311, 311 n. 

New Amsterdam, 54, 104, 272, 289, 
291; religious services, 83, 124-125; 
church built, 212-213, 325-326, 361; 
fort at, 259, 271, 459; religion, 260; 
school, 362; surrenders to English, 
414-415, 451-452,458-466; Descrip- 
tion of the Towne of Mannadens, 417- 
424; map, viii; Records of, 450; Let- 
ter of the Town Council of, 447-453. 

New England, 363, 363 n. 

New Haven, Conn., 202, 305, 310, 433. 

New Jersey, 14. 

New Netherland is discovered, 37-38, 
293; is named, 48 n., 293; described 
by De Laet, 48-50; climate, fruits, 
etc., 54-56, 294-296; list of govern- 
ors, 66; is settled, 75; domestic ani- 
mals are sent, 79; prosperity of, 88, 
374; Journal of, 1647, 265-284; how 
peopled, 271-272; Representation 
of, 285-354; Answer to the Repre- 



sentation, 359-377; religious condi- 
tion of, 393-398, 406-410; schools, 
398; slow growth of, 427-428; poor 
condition of, 458-462; is surren- 
dered, 414, 447-466. 

New Netherland, ship, 75, 321. 

New Plymouth, 110-115. 

New Sweden, 381, 382; conquest of, 
383-386, 395. 

New York Colonial Documents, see 
Documents relative to the Colonial 
History of the State of New York. 

New York Colonial Manuscripts, 431. 

New York Historical Society, Collec- 
tions, 14, 35, 99, 120, 167, 185, 214 n., 
222 n., 228 n., 240, 257, 288, 292, 
357, 382. 

New York, Manual of the Common 
Council of, 450. 

Newburgh, N. Y., 25, 25 n. 

Newfoundland, 8. 

Newton, Brian, 338-339, 338 n., 367, 
398 n. 

Nicholls, Richard, 414, 449, 451, 465. 

Nijenhuis, J. J. Bodel, 120. 

Nine Men, 287-288, 341, 349, 350, 

Nissensen, S. G., v, 138. 

No Man's Land, 40 n. 

Nombre de Dios Island, 198, 198 n. 

North Cape, 6. 

North River, see Hudson River. 

Norwalk, Conn., 205, 205 n. 

Notelman, Conrad, 190. 

Noten Island, see Governor's Island. 

Nova Zembla, 4. 

Nuijtingh, Lieut., 383. 

Oak Tree, ship, 211. 

O'Callaghan, Dr. E. B., Documentary 
History of the State of New York, 64, 
257, 412 n.; History of New Nether- 
land, 244 n., 334 n. See also Docu- 

Old South Leaflets, 14. 

Olfersen, Jacob, 229-230. 

Oneidas (called Senecas, 139-153), 
journey among, 148-153; burial cus- 
toms, 148; religion, 152-153. 

Onekagoncka, 140, 142. 

Onneyuttehage, 150. 

Onondagas, 153-154. 

Orankokx, 86. 

Ortelius, Abraham, 4. 
Osquage, 144, 156. 
Oyster Bay, 202. 

Pachamis, 46, 68. 

Pachem, 279. 

Panar Island, 8. 

Panton, Richard, 438, 438 n. 

Patrick, Capt. Daniel, 275 n., 276 n., 

306 n. 
Patroons, exemptions and privileges of, 

Pauw, Michiel, xi, 96 n., 190, 210, 

Pavonia, 190, 197, 376; attacked, 

279; massacre at, 333 n. 
Pawcatuck River, 42, 42 n. 
Peace, ship, 208. 
Peelen, Brant, 170, 170 n. 
Pell, Thomas, 433, 433 n. 
Pennewitz, 282. 

Pennsylvania Archives, 292, 382. 
Pequot War, 192 n. 
Pequots, 43, 43 n., 103, 103 n., 282 n. 
Petockenock, 40. 
Pietersen, David, 276. 
Pietersen, Evert, 398 n. 
Pilgrims, 3, 110-115. 
Planck, Abram, 226, 226 n. 
Plowden, Sir Edward, 311, 311 n. 
Polhemus, Rev. Johannes T., 391, 391 

n., 396, 406, 407. 
Port May, 45. 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 25, 25 n. 
Pouwel, Don, 383. 
Presbyterians, 397. 
Princess, ship, 267, 299, 325 n., 332 n., 

339 n., 368 n. 
Princess Royal, ship, 383. 
Prins, John, 311. 
Privileges and Exemptions of Patroons, 

etc., vii, 90-96, 165, 209 n., 348. 
Purchas, Rev. Samuel, Purchas his 

Pilgrimes, 14. 
Puritans, 86, 89. 
Pye Bay, 39. 

Quakers, 400, 400 n. 
Quinipiac River, 43, 43 n. 
Quiripeys, 44. 

Rademaker, see Smits, Claes. 
Raritans, 208, 227, 277. 



Rasieres, Isaack de, 83 n., 190 n.; 

life, 100; letter to Samuel Blom- 

maert, 97-115. 

Records of Plymouth Colony, 276 n. 
Reformed Church, 119, 212, 393. 
Reijnevel, William van, 383. 
Reinsen, Jacob, 345, 369-370. 
Relations des Jesuites, 237 
Religion, 260, 392-415. See also Church 

and Indians. 
Remund, Jan van, 190. 
Rensselaer, Kiliaen van, 32, 96 n., 165, 

184, 206. See also Van Rensselaer 

Bowier Manuscripts. 
Rensselaerswyck, 32, 96 n., 165, 261- 

262, 271, 272; furnishes arms to 

natives, 274; right to banish colonists, 

368; religion, 395. 
Representation of New Netherland, The, 

1650, 285-354, 290-292, 450. 
Respublicae Elzevirianae, 31. 
Rhode Island, 306, 366, 400. 
Rising, Johan, 381, 382, 383 n., 385, 

385 n., 386. 
Rockaway, 230, 230 n. 
Roden Berch, see New Haven. 
Roever, Nicolaas de, 137. 
Royal Society, London, 419, 420. 
Royenberch River, see Quinipiac River. 
Ruyven, Cornelis van, 398 n., 430; 

Journal of, 425-445. 

Sagamore River, 42, 42 n. 

St. Lawrence River, 47. 

St. Martin, ship, 376. 

Salem Creek, N. J., 314, 314 n. 

Salt, 404-405. 

Sandy Hook, 14, 17, 45 n., 102, 186, 


Sandy Hook harbor, 18, 191. 
Sankikans, 45, 52 n., 53, 58, 103, 315, 

315 n. 
Schaats, Rev. Gideon, 395, 395 n., 


Schanatissa, 144, 156. 
Schatsyerosy, 142. 
Schelluynen, D. van, 354. 
Schermerhorn, Jacob van, 345, 369. 
Schools, 327, 362, 398, 398 n. 
Schiite, Sven, 384, 384 n. 
Scott, John, 410 n., 412 n. 
Sea-mew, ship, 83. 
Selskoorn, Abelius, 410, 410 n. 

Selyns, Rev. Henricus, 389-390, 412-413; 
Letters to the Classis of Amsterdam, 

Senecas, 52 n., 53. See also Oneidas. 

Sequins, 43, 86-87. 

Seven Stars, ship, 199. 

Shea, Dr. John G., 240, 257. 

Shinnecocks, 103. 

Sille, Nicasius de, 383 n., 406. 

Sinnekens, see Oneidas. 

Siwanoys, 44, 52 n., 53. 

Slavery, 129, 129 n., 330, 364, 365, 
406 n. 

Sloop Bay, 42. 

Smith, Dirck, 383, 384, 432. 

Smith, Capt. John, 6, 14. 

Smith, Richard, 366, 366 n., 367. 

Smits, Claes, 213, 213 n., 274-275, 274 n. 

Smoutius, Rev. Adrianus, 121; letter 
from Rev. Jonas Michaelius to, 122- 

Soutberg, ship, 186, 188, 191. 

South River, see Delaware River. 

Spain, revolt of Netherlands against, 3. 

Spitzbergen, 4. 

Stamford, Conn., 205, 205 n., 281, 282. 

Staten Island, 102 n., 103, 185, 186; 
registered for De Vries, 199; colony 
founded by De Vries on, 202, 205, 

States General, gives monopoly of 
trade, 47 n. 

Steenwyck, Cornelis, 450, 453. 

Stevensen, Oloff, see Cortlant, Oloff S. 

Stirling, Lord, 307, 307 n. 

Stoffelsen, Jacob, 233. 

Stone, Capt., 191-192, 191 n., 203. 

Stone, Rev. Samuel, 420. 

Stony Point, N. Y., 21, 21 n., 26, 26 n. 

Stratford, Conn., 205, 205 n. 

Stuyvesant, Petrus, 66, 167, 311, 357, 
412 n., 430; policy as Director 
General, 287, 289; mismanagement 
of, 324-325, 328-332, 337-352; is 
defended, 362-377; conquers New 
Sweden, 381, 384-386; fixes New 
England boundary, 428-429; sur- 
renders New Amsterdam, 414-415, 
449, 451-452, 458-466; Report on 
the Surrender of New Netherland, 455- 

Sulphur, 143, 405. 



Swanendael, 184-185, 226, 313-314, 

313 n. 

Swedes, 311-317, 311 n., 395. 
Synod of Dort, 126 n. 

Talcott, John, 429, 434 n., 435, 462. 

Tamandare, 329, 365. 

Tankitekes, 211. 

Tapants, 67. 

Tappaan, 185, 205. 

Tappaans, 46, 216, 216 n., 233 n. 

Taxes, 348, 363. 

Texel, Holland, 6, 201. 

Texel (Martha's Vineyard), 40, 40 n., 

Thenondiogo, 145, 156, 179. 

Theunisz, Zeger, 335, 342. 

Tienhoven, Cornells van, 208, 267, 289, 
290, 332, 333, 357; character of, 
340, 341; Answer to the Representation 
of New Netherland, 1650, 334 n., 

Thwaites, Dr. Reuben G., Jesuit Rela- 
tions and Allied Documents, 237, 240, 
241, 243 n., 258. 

Tobacco, 18-24. 

Tomassen, lelmer, 339, 339 n. 

Tomassen, Willem, 138-157. 

Tonneman, Pieter, 450, 453. 

Treat, Robert, 432, 432 n., 433. 

Trico, Catelina, 75 n. 

Tweenhuyzen, Lambrecht van, 80, 
80 n. 

Twelve Men, 275, 277, 333, 333 n. 

Twiller, Wouter van, 66, 100, 186, 187 
n., 188, 191 n., 195, 195 n., 198, 308, 
332, 338, 338 n. 

Underbill, John, 282, 282 n., 283. 
Union, ship, 376, 385. 
United Netherlands, see Netherlands, 


Usselinx, Willem, 3, 64. 
Utrecht Historical Society, 261 n. 

Valentine, David T., 450. 

Van. Names in this index are not 

placed under Van, e. g., Van Meteren, 

see Meteren. 
Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts, 

32, 53, 90 n., 100 n., 137, 165. 
Vargas, Juan de, 325 n. 
Vastrick, Gerrit, 344, 369. 

Verhulst, Willem, 66, 84. 

Verbruggen, Gilles, 376. 

Verplanck's Point, 21, 21 n. 

Versteeg, Dingman, 121. 

Verstraten, Dirck J., 383. 

Vestiens, Willem, 391-392. 

Virginia, 67, 88. 

Vocabularies, Delaware, 58-60; Mo- 
hawk, 73, 157-162. 

Vorst, Cornelis van, 197-198, 234. 

Vrede, ship, 208. 

Vries, David P. de, 166, 170, 276 n.; life, 
183-185; trouble with Van Twiller, 
188-191; first voyage to America, 
186; second voyage, 192; third voy- 
age, 199; founds colony on Staten 
Island, 202; Korte Historiael ende 
Journaels Aenteyckeninge, etc. (Short 
Historical and Journal-Notes, etc.), 
181-234, 308 n. 

Vries, Frederick de, 199, 205, 208, 208 n. 

Vriessendael, 209. 

Walingen, Jacob, 322. 

Waoranecks, 46, 68. 

Wapenocks, 42. 

Wappingers, 279. 

Waranawankongs, 46, 68. 

Warwick, Earl of, 198, 198 n. 

Wassenaer, Nicolaes van, 187 n.; life, 
63-64; Historisch Verhael, etc. (His- 
torical Account of all the most Re- 
markable Events which have hap- 
pened in Europe, etc.), 61-96. 

Waugh, Dorothy, 400, 400 n. 

Wei, Laurens C. van der, 368, 368 n. 

Welius, Rev. Everardus, 410, 410 n. 

Welles, Thomas, 440, 440 n. 

West India Company, Dutch, 54, 65; 
chartered, 53 n., 64; bad manage- 
ment of, 320-352; is defended by 
Van Tienhoven, 359-377. 

West Point, N. Y., 21 n. 

Wetherhead, Mary, 400, 400 n. 

White, W. A., 138. 

Wickenden, William, 397, 397 n., 400 
400 n. 

Wickford, 366 n. 

Wickquaasgeeks, 216, 216 n, 276, 281. 

Wiekagjocks, 67. 

William of Orange, 3. 

William, ship, 187, 187 n. 

Williams, Roger, 366 n. 



Wilson, Gen. James G., Memorial His- 
tory of the City of New York, 48 n., 
83 n., 121; Journey into the Mohawk 
and Seneca Country, 137. 

Winsor, Justin, Narrative and Critical 
History of America, 35, 311, 382, 
385 n., 421. 

Winthrop, Gov. John (Conn.'}, 419- 
420, 434, 434 n., 439, 463. 

Winthrop, Gov. John (Mass.), 192 n., 

194 n., 275 n. 

Witqueschecks, see Wickquaasgeeks. 
Wolphertsen, Gerrit, 376. 
Wyck Bay, 39. 
Wyecks, 67. 
Wyllys, Samuel, 442, 442 n. 

Ziperius, Rev. Michael, 413, 413 n. 






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